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Thursday 31 January 2013

« Apatrides » : « Les Rwandais ont encore des raisons de fuir »


« Apatrides » : « Les Rwandais ont encore des raisons de fuir »
Dans le cadre d'une vaste campagne contre la clause de cessation du statut de réfugié des rwandais qui devrait être prononcée le 30 juin 2013,Scott Erlinder, un cinématographe américain, a publié un film intitulé « Stateless »( Apatrides ). Ce film a été réalisé en collaboration avec plusieurs réfugiés rwandais, des experts américains et des membres de l'ONU.
Sur le site internet consacré au film, on peut lire que l'ONU prononcera, en accord avec les pays hôtes, la clause de cessation du statut de réfugié. Ceci aura pour effet d'ôter le statut de réfugié et de rendre apatrides les personnes qui ont demandé l'asile entre 1959 et 1998, si ces derniers ne retournent pas au Rwanda.
Le producteur, ainsi que ceux qui ont participé à la réalisation du film sont en désaccord avec le projet du HCR de prononcer la clause de cessation. Ils sont d'avis qu'en agissant ainsi, 'le HCR mettra beaucoup de personnes en danger car les changements nécessaires et indispensables pour invoquer la clause de cessations n'ont pas encore été opérés'.
Critiques
« Apatrides » est un film composé d'une série d 'interviews données par des Rwandais ordinaires, exilés tant dans des pays africains, dans des pays européens qu'en Amérique. On peut trouver des personnalités telles que Paul Rusesabagina, auteur du film à succès Hotel Rwanda. Il y a également une interview de l'ancien ambassadeur rwandais aux Etats-Unis, Théogène Rudasingwa. Les personnes interviewées donnent leur avis sur la situation actuelle du Rwanda et parlent de leur expérience avec le HCR et/ou le gouvernement rwandais.
Ont également participé au film des fonctionnaires de l'ONU tel que l'ancien chef du HCR à Goma, Masako Yonekawa. Le film fait souvent référence aux différents rapports internationaux publiés sur le sujet. On y mentionne aussi différentes citations de personnages qui jouent un rôle important tel que le président rwandais Paul Kagame.
Le film est très critique envers la politique de rapatriement du HCR ainsi que de la collaboration dont font preuve les différents pays africains hébergeant des réfugiés rwandais.
Le narrateur du film, Hetty MacDowell, nous apprend que depuis 2009, le HCR a essayé par quatre fois de prononcer la clause de cessation. Mais des éléments sur le terrain ont fait changer le HCR de tactique. D'après MacDowell, la dernière date annoncée pour la prononciation de cette clause est le 30 juin 2013. Dans le film on apprend également que les gouvernements rwandais et ougandais auraient signé, en date du 23 juin 2003, un accord sur le rapatriement de 20.000 réfugiés vivant en Uganda. Cet accord a échoué étant donné que depuis la signature, seul 850 réfugiés ont pu être rapatriées. Entre 2004 et 2006, il y a eu plusieurs tentatives de rapatriement de réfugiés vivant en Ouganda mais la plupart d'entre eux s'échappaient et retournaient immédiatement vers l'Ouganda et racontaient à ceux restés en Ouganda leur terrible mésaventures au Rwanda.
Hetty MacDowell dit qu'en raison d'une légère contradiction dans la clause de cessation, des Etats peuvent abuser de cette clause et obliger des réfugiés à rentrer chez eux. En effet les lignes directrices de la clause sont très vagues. Ainsi il y a un paragraphe qui stipule qu'aucun réfugié ne peut être forcé à retourner chez lui et un autre paragraphe dit, paradoxalement, que pour être effective la clause de cessation ne requiert pas le consentement de la personne réfugiée (article 7, paragraphe A, considérations générales)
Le narrateur questionne également la manière dont le HCR a évalué les différentes raisons qui ont poussé des personnes à fuir le Rwanda ainsi que l'image que le HCR donne du Rwanda concernant son progrès et sa situation actuelle. Par ailleurs, il est souvent dit que les réfugiés ont plusieurs fois fait des pétitions pour empêcher la prononciation de la clause de cessation, mais que ces pétitions ont été rejetées par le gouvernement rwandais. Le narrateur du film dit qu'il existe un profond décalage entre la réalité telle qu'elle est perçue par les réfugiés, par le HCR et ce que le gouvernement rwandais prétend être la réalité.
Rôle des pays hôtes
Certains insinuent que les pays hôtes tels que la Zambie et l'Uganda n'ont pas fait grand-chose pour intégrer les réfugiés rwandais et qu'ils attendent la première occasion pour les renvoyer chez eux. En plus, d'aucuns disent que le lourd fardeau placé sur les épaules des pays hôtes est la raison principale de la prononciation de la clause de cessation. Le Haut Commissaire pour les réfugiés en Uganda, David Kazunga, argumente en disant que « la clause de cessation s'applique à tous ceux qui ont quitté le Rwanda en 1959 suite aux conflits politiques liés à la monarchie. Est-ce qu'au Rwanda, les gens se font encore tuer à cause de la monarchie ? .  La clause de cessation s'applique aux personnes qui ont fui leur pays suite au génocide de 1994. La clause de cessation s'applique à ceux qui ont fui l'insécurité qui régnait au Rwanda dans les années 1997 et 1998. L'insécurité est-il encore là ?  (…). C'est une obligation du gouvernement ougandais, de tous les gouvernements qui ensemble avec le HCR s'occupent des réfugiés rwandais, d'encourager ces derniers à rentrer chez eux et à participer au développement de leur pays »
Le film montre que l'Europe ne considère pas le Rwanda comme un pays où il y a de la sécurité et que donc il est peu probable que l'Europe coopère à la prononciation de la clause de cessation. La différence entre les réfugiés en Europe et en Afrique, c'est que les réfugiés en Afrique doivent faire face à des restrictions très sévères de moyens de subsistances comme les terrains ou le bétail. Beaucoup de ces réfugiés se retrouvent dans des situations de séjour illégal et sont obligés d'accepter des emplois précaires. Plus loin dans le film, on relate plusieurs cas de rapatriements violents et forcés de réfugiés rwandais en Uganda. Kazunga fait un commentaire sur l'incident ougandais de 2010 : « (..) Certains d'entre eux sont ici tout seuls (…). Une personne peut aller voir son frère et décider de rester chez son frère. C'est la même chose avec les Rwandais (…) et je crois qu'en tant que gouvernement, on a le droit de dire d'une personne qu'elle ne doit pas rester sur notre territoire et qu'on l'encourage à rentrer chez elle »
Le film « Apatrides » fait également état d'une situation selon laquelle le gouvernement rwandais refuse de procurer aux réfugiés des documents qui pourraient faciliter leur demande de statut de réfugié.
 
La situation au Rwanda
Le Rwanda n'est pas considéré comme étant un pays où règne la sécurité pour qu'un éventuel retour puisse être envisagé. Le film pointe du doigt des cas de violation des droits de l'homme tels que l'emprisonnement de journalistes ou de membres de l'opposition et la politique répressive du parti au pouvoir, le FPR. Le narrateur du film dit que l'approche du FPR par rapport aux questions liées à la réconciliation et au déni du génocide violent les droits de l'homme et ne donne aux rwandais que la possibilité de « baisser la tête et de se taire ». Plus loin, sont posées des questions sur l'égalité des Hutus et des Tutsis au Rwanda (ceci malgré les normes gouvernementales qui ont banni l'évocation d'ethnies au Rwanda).
Suite à l'article 14 de la Constitution qui évoque le génocide des Tutsis, le narrateur pose – légitimement – la question suivante : «  s'il n'y a plus d'ethnies, pourquoi, en parle-t-on dans la Constitution ? Si seuls les Tutsis reçoivent de l'aide pour se reconstruire, qu'arrive-t-il aux autres qui restent ? ». Le film montre également la différence frappante de richesse et de modernité à Kigali et dans les zones ruraux. Le narrateur conclut le film en disant que concernant la clause de cessation, les conditions de sécurité nécessaires pour un retour de réfugiés ne sont pas remplies au Rwanda.
Après 1998
'Pour pouvoir invoquer la clause de cessation, il faut que la raison pour laquelle une personne est devenue refugiée n'existe plus et que des changements fondamentaux et durables aient eu lieu dans le pays. Or, en total contradiction avec de tels changements fondamentaux, le HCR admet lui-même, que les réfugiés qui ont fui le pays après 1998 ont toujours une raison bien-fondée de craindre la persécution.
La clause de cessation
La clause de cessation concerne les Rwandais qui ont fui le pays entre 1959 et 1998 et résulte de négociations entre les gouvernements rwandais et ougandais ainsi que le HCR. Déjà en 2009, le Rwanda, l'Uganda et le HCR affirmaient que l'accueil des réfugiés rwandais n'était plus justifié et ont décidé de mettre en œuvre la clause de cessation. Des milliers de réfugiés vivent toujours en dehors du Rwanda. La majorité d'entre eux se trouvent dans les pays avoisinant le Rwanda tels que l'Uganda, la Tanzanie et la RDC.
Jane Nishimwe
Traduit de l'anglais par Doreen Uwineza
 

Impamvu zatumye Kagame yirukana umukozi mukuru wa Ambasade y’Ububiligi mu Rwanda


Impamvu zatumye Kagame yirukana umukozi mukuru wa Ambasade y'Ububiligi mu Rwanda

Colonel William Breuer hamwe na Minisitiri Didier Reynders.
Nyuma y'aho umwe mu bakozi bari bashinzwe ibikorwa bya gisirikare muri ambassade y'Ububiligi mu Rwanda yirukaniwe n'ubutegetsi bwa Kagame, itohoza ryakozwe n'Umuvugizi ryemeza ko umunyagitugu Paul Kagame yiyemeje guha amasaha 48 uyu mudiplomate ngo abe yavuye mu Rwanda, kubera ikibazo cya Kongo.
Amakuru Umuvugizi ukura mu nzego z'umutekano za Leta ya Kagame, yemeza ko uyu musirikare w'Umubiligi yirukanywe azizwa kuba yaratahuye, akanabona za gihamya simusiga zerekanaga uko Perezida Kagame atera inkunga umutwe w'inyeshyamba za M23, inyeshamba zikomeje kwica imbaga y'inzirakarengane mu turere twinshi twa Repubulika Iharanira Demukarasi ya Kongo, zikanasahura umutungo kamere w'icyo gihugu, aho kugirango uwo mutungo ugoboke abanyekongo ubwabo bakomeje kurushaho gutindahara.
Nk'uko zimwe muri za maneko za Kagame zabidutangarije, muri iki cyumweru gishize ni bwo Leta y'u Rwanda, ibinyujije muri minisitiri w'Ububanyi n'amahanga, Louise Mushikiwabo, yandikiye ambassade y'Ububuligi i Kigali, itanga ibirego bihimbano kuri uyu musirikare wari ufite ipeti rya sous-officier, ivuga ko ngo yaba yarivanze mu kazi katagize aho gahuriye n'ako yari ashinzwe muri ambassade y'Ububiligi mu Rwanda.
Uyu mu diplomate akaba yari amaze ku kazi ke imyaka igera kuri ibiri n'igice, aho yakoranaga umurava n'ubwitange akazi ke, kugeza ejobundi ubwo inzego z'ubutasi za Kagame zimutwerereye ibirego bihimbano, byanamuviriyemo kumeneshwa mu gihugu.
Yaba uhagarariye ibikorwa bya gisirikare muri ambassade y'Ububiligi mu Rwanda, Colonel William, yaba na Ambasaderi Marc Pecsteen, birinze kugira icyo batangariza Umuvugizi ku bijyanye n'iyi nkuru y'iyirukanwa ry'umukozi wabo.
Mu mwaka ushize, perezida Kagame n'umumotsi we, Gen James Kabarebe, bakunze kwibasira ubutegetsi bw'Ububiligi, ubwo umunyagitugu Kagame yihanukiraga agatuka igihugu cy'igihangange kw'isi nk'Ububiligi, ko ngo "gikennye mu bitekerezo". Mu kunga mu rya shebuja, Gen Kabarebe na we, mu kiganiro yagiranye n'umunyamakuru wa Le Soir, madame Collette Breackman, ati : "niba hari igisirikare kidafite "discipline" kw'isi ni icy'Ububiligi". Mu gutangariza uyu munyamakuru w'Umubiligi aya magambo y'agasuzuguro n'ubwenge buke, yari yiyibagije ko igihugu abereye minisitiri w'ingabo gifite abasirikare bakuru batabarika ubu barimo gukurikirana amasomo ajyanye no kwihugura mu bya gisirikare mu gihugu cy'Ububiligi, aba basirikare bakaba banarihirwa n'igihugu cy'Ububiligi.
Mu Ubumenyi bucye buvanze n'ubuhubutsi, perezida Kagame na we, mu kiganiro ngarukakwezi yagiranye n'abanyamakuru mu cyumweru gishize, yaje kubatungura ubwo yongeraga kugaragaza urwango afitiye abaterankunga, n'ubwo icyo gihe atavuze mu izina igihugu cy'Ububiligi.
Nk'uko asanzwe abigenza iyo ashaka gutukana no kwishongora, perezida Kagame yifashe ku gahanga atuka ibihugu by'abaterankunga, kugeza ubwo yanatangaje ko "u Rwanda rutakiri Ruanda-Urundi cyangwa Congo Belge";
Amakuru atugeraho nanone akaba yemezako nyirabayazana wiyirukana ry'uyu Umudiplomati w'uBubiligi byatewe nanone n'ukwo Minisitiri w'Ububanyi n'amahanga w'Ububiligi, Didier Reynders, yemereje imbere y'Akanama gashinzwe amahoro ku isi ko Leta ya Kagame ifasha inyeshyamba za M23.
Ubwo Minisitiri Didier Reynders yatangazaga aya magambo imbere y'Akanama ka Loni gashinzwe amahoro ku isi, perezida Kagame yahise yerekana uburere bucye asanganywe, ubwo yivumburaga agasohoka mu cyumba cy'inama, abari bamuherekeje bakumirwa, bagakurwa mu isoni na Louise Mushikiwabo, wahise abeshyera shebuja ko yari afite indi nama yihutirwa itumye asohoka adasezeye.
Ibi bisobanuro bidahwitse byatanzwe na minisitiri Louise Mushikiwabo, byibajijweho cyane n'abari aho mu nama, binatuma bibaza niba indi nama perezida Kagame yari atorokeyemo, iruta ikibazo gikomeye cyarimo kigwaho, cyerekeranye n'intambara ya M23 yibasiye ibihumbi by'abanyekongo hamwe n'abanyarwanda bakomeje kurwana iyi ntambara idafite icyo ibamariye uretse gumfasha perezida Kagame gusahura umutungo kamere wa Kongo.
Izindi mpanvu zatumye leta ya Kagame yihimura kuri uyu mudiplomate w'umubiligi ni uburyo Leta y'Ububiligi yahise ifata icyemezo, mu kwezi kwa cumi n'abiri 2012, cyo guhagarika imfashanyo ya gisirikare yagenerega igihugu cy'u Rwanda nyuma y'uko raporo yashyizwe ahagaragara n'itsinda rigize Akanama k'impugucye za Loni, zerekana ko u Rwanda rwagize uruhare rugaragara mu gushyigikira inyeshyamba za M23.
Ibihugu byombi kandi byari bisanzwe bifitanye amasezerano byasinyanye muri 2004, aho Ububiligi bwagombaga gufasha u Rwanda mu bikorwa bijyanye n'igisirikare, ubushakashatsi ndetse n'ubuzima. Maneko za Kagame zikaba zemeza ko nyirabayazana y'ukwirukana uyu mudiplomate w'umubiligi ari igikorwa Kagame akoze kugirango yihimure ku gihugu cy'Ububiligi kubera igihano bwafatiye .
Ba maneko ba Kagame na none bakaba bemeza ko indi nyirabayazana yo kwirukana uyu musirikare ifite icyo ipfana n'uko Ububiligi buherutse kwifata imbere y'Akanama ka Loni gashinzwe amahoro kw'isi, ubwo u Rwanda rwiyamamarizaga kuba kimwe mu bihugu bigize aka Kanama, ari na bwo rwatorerwaga manda yarwo izacyura igihe mu mwaka utaha wa 2014.
Igihugu cy'Ububiligi kikaba giherutse n'ukuba kimwe mu bihugu biherutse gufata iyambere imbere y'Akanama ka Loni gashinzwe umutekano, gisaba ndetse kemeza ko za nyoni zitagira abaderevu (drones), zoherezwa kurinda umutekano muri Repubulika Iharanira Demukarasi ya Kongo, kugirango ingabo za Loni zisanzwe muri icyo gihugu zijye zibona, mu buryo bworoshye, amakuru ajyanye n'ibikorwa by'umwanzi, haba ku mbibi z'umupaka w'u Rwanda na Kongo, cyangwa muri Kongo nyirizina.
Mbere y'uko icyemezo cy'Umuryango w'Abibumbye cyo kohereza izi ndege muri Kongo-Kinshasa, gifatwa, u Rwanda ntako rutari rwagize ngo rucyamaganire kure, nyamara icyifuzo cyarwo cyabaye nko kuvomera mu rutete.
Gasasira, Sweden.

HRW World Report 2013 Rwanda chapter / Rapport mondial 2013 chapitre Rwanda

Expéditeur: Carina Tertsakian <tertsac@hrw.org>
Date: 31 janvier 2013 15:26:17 UTC+01:00
Destinataire: Carina Tertsakian <tertsac@hrw.org>

Objet: HRW World Report 2013 Rwanda chapter / Rapport mondial 2013 chapitre Rwanda

Please find attached the chapter on Rwanda from Human Rights Watch's World Report 2013 published today.  The report provides an overview of the main human rights developments in 2012.

Veuillez trouver ci-joint le chapitre sur le Rwanda du Rapport Mondial 2013 de Human Rights Watch publié aujourd'hui.  Le rapport donne une vue d'ensemble des événements principaux en matière des droits humains en 2012.

HRW World Report 2013 Rwanda chapter / Rapport mondial 2013 chapitre Rwanda

Expéditeur: Carina Tertsakian <tertsac@hrw.org>
Date: 31 janvier 2013 15:26:17 UTC+01:00
Destinataire: Carina Tertsakian <tertsac@hrw.org>

Objet: HRW World Report 2013 Rwanda chapter / Rapport mondial 2013 chapitre Rwanda

Please find attached the chapter on Rwanda from Human Rights Watch's World Report 2013 published today.  The report provides an overview of the main human rights developments in 2012.

Veuillez trouver ci-joint le chapitre sur le Rwanda du Rapport Mondial 2013 de Human Rights Watch publié aujourd'hui.  Le rapport donne une vue d'ensemble des événements principaux en matière des droits humains en 2012.

SYFIA GRANDS LACS : Rwanda : Faible et divisée, la société civile est l'alliée du pouvoir

----- Forwarded Message -----
From: Gerard Semushi Karangwa <karangwasemushi_gerard@yahoo.fr>
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Sent: Thursday, January 31, 2013 8:22 AM
Subject: *DHR* SYFIA GRANDS LACS : Rwanda : Faible et divisée, la société civile est l'alliée du pouvoir

 



31-01-2013

Rwanda : Faible et divisée, la société civile est l'alliée du pouvoir

Une grande partie des organisations de la société civile rwandaise préfère être proches du pouvoir pour pouvoir survivre sans risques. Les autres, régulièrement combattues, ont du mal à faire entendre leur voix.
Au Rwanda, une partie de la société civile soutient le gouvernement en toutes circonstances. Début novembre 2012, quatre églises chrétiennes et l'association des Musulmans du Rwanda ont adressé une lettre au secrétaire général des Nations unies protestant contre le rapport du groupe d'experts onusiens accusant le Rwanda de soutenir le mouvement rebelle congolais dit M23. Elles remettent en question "l'intégrité de ces experts, la méthodologie employée et les conclusions de ces rapports basées sur des preuves insuffisantes" et tentent d'expliquer que les preuves d'implication du Rwanda ne sont pas entièrement fondées. En décembre dernier, la plateforme de la société civile s'est empressée de donner son avis sur la suspension des aides étrangères au gouvernement rwandais. L'organisation a condamné cette décision, brandissant qu'elle était basée sur les allégations non fondées. 
Au moment où une partie de la société civile est active et multiplie les déclarations de soutien au gouvernement, l'autre se contente de regretter que ses opinions ne soient pas prises en considération et dénonce, sans effet, les difficultés d'obtenir des documents administratifs pour pouvoir fonctionner.
Pour Épimaque Okwoko, secrétaire exécutif de la Ligue des droits de la personne dans la région des Grands lacs (LDGL), collectif régional basé à Kigali, "La société civile doit servir de contre-pouvoir pour éclairer les décideurs politiques. Ce qui la fragilise, c'est surtout le fait de toujours suivre ce que dit le gouvernement." "C'est ainsi, ajoute-t-il que celui qui ose donner un avis contradictoire est pris pour un opposant politique. Par peur de subir ce que subissent les opposants, on décide de se taire ou d'être partisan. 
Pour bon nombre de Rwandais, la société civile n'est autre qu'une caisse de résonnance du gouvernement. "Elle n'a pas de poids pour négocier avec le gouvernement. Ses plaidoyers ne changent rien aux décisions des autorités alors qu'elle devrait être la voix des sans voix", remarque un villageois de Gasabo. 

Peur de la solidarité
Au cours des deux dernières années, les secrétaires exécutifs de la ligue rwandaise pour la promotion et la défense des droits de l'homme (Liprodhor) et de la LDGL ont pris le chemin de l'exil. D'après leurs proches, ils ont quitté le pays car d'autres membres de la société civile les qualifiaient d'"ennemis du pays" suite à leurs prises de position sur les violations des droits de l'homme. 
"La solidarité au sein des organisations de la société civile laisse à désirer", note un journaliste de Kigali. Lors de l'élaboration du rapport de la société civile en marge de l'examen périodique universel du Rwanda en 2011, les organisations se sont désolidarisées. Certains ne voulaient pas ternir l'image du pays en dénonçant des violations des droits de l'homme commises par le pouvoir. "Lorsque les autorités s'en prennent au fonctionnement d'une organisation, les autres condamnent l'accusée au lieu d'apporter leur soutien", témoigne un membre de la LIPRODHOR. Pour Édouard Munyamariza, porte-parole de la plateforme de la société civile, la voix de la société civile se fait bien entendre : les plaidoyers sur la décentralisation du budget alloué à l'agriculture, sur la collecte des cotisations de la mutuelle de santé, ont été pris en considération par le gouvernement.
Lors de la célébration de la journée de la paix et de la démocratie mi-septembre 2012, le président du sénat, le docteur Jean Damascène Ntawukuriryayo, avait expliqué aux membres de la société civile qu'il "ne leur manque pas d'espace d'expression, mais de compétences pour exploiter les droits qu'ils ont". 

Encadré
Les Ong strictement encadrées 

Les autorités rwandaises encadrent de près le travail des Ong. La loi de février 2012 oblige toute Ong, qui veut se faire agréer, à fournir, chaque année, son plan d'action, son budget et ses sources de financement. Le gouvernement exige aussi que les actions de ces organisations s'inscrivent dans les plans de développement national et des districts. Mais, même si toutes les conditions sont respectées, certaines demandes peuvent être rejetées quand l'autorité juge avoir des preuves convaincantes que l'organisation requérante peut compromettre la sécurité, l'ordre public, la santé, la morale et les droits de la personne. "Ainsi certaines Ong "suspectes" passent de longs mois à chercher ces documents", constate un activiste des droits de l'homme de Kigali. Pour lui, "le pouvoir multiplie des tracasseries aux Ong pour les maintenir sous pression". 
En novembre 2011, le district de Nyarugenge a fermé les bureaux de la Liprodhor en application de la décision de la ville de faire respecter le plan directeur de l'urbanisation, avançant que sa maison qui l'hébergeait était dans un site résidentiel et non dans des logements destinés à être bureaux. "L'organisation est vouée à la disparition, car la location du bureau est très chère", note un activiste des droits de l'homme de Kigali qui ajoute que "compliquer le travail des Ong, ne pas leur faciliter l'obtention de documents administratifs pour chercher des fonds affaiblit la société civile. C'est un frein au développement du pays, dont la société civile est un acteur incontournable". Avis partagé par le secrétaire exécutif de la LDGL pour qui le processus d'enregistrement des Ong fait sentir le poids et le contrôle du gouvernement. "Celle qui n'accepte pas de s'allier au pouvoir risque de ne pas obtenir les documents administratifs reconnaissant son existence et d'être qualifiée de hors la loi". 
Albert-Baudoin Twizeyimana
__._,_.___
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" BE NICE TO PEOPLE ON YOUR WAY UP, BECAUSE YOU MIGHT MEET THEM ON YOUR WAY DOWN." Jimmy DURANTE.

COMBATTONS la haine SANS complaisance, PARTOUT et avec Toute ENERGIE!!!!!!
Let's  rather prefer Peace, Love , Hope and Life, and get together as one!!! Inno TWAGIRA
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__,_._,___


2013 World Press Freedom Index: Rwanda falls 5 places


2013 World Press Freedom Index: Rwanda falls 5 places

 
Jan 31st, 2013 | By  | Category: Top news
In its World Press Freedom Index that was released this Wednesday, January 30th 2013, Reporters without Borders (RSF) classified Rwanda, governed by Paul Kagame, among the group of 'Africa's predatory censors'. The country has sunk 5 places compared to the years 2011-2012 and is now on the 161st place out of 179.
The association also lists Paul Kagame next to other African heads of state such as those of Eritrea, Djibouti and Swaziland, describing them as 'members of an exclusive club of authoritarian African leaders, some eccentric others stern, who hold their countries in an iron grasp and keep a firm grip on news and information.'
According to RSF, in countries governed by these leaders, 'media pluralism has been whittled away and criticism of the head of state discouraged.'
Burundi fell slightly, ranking 132nd compared to 130th on the last index. RSF states that 'summonses of journalists declined but the case of Hassan Ruvakuki, given a life sentence reduced to three years on appeal, has created an atmosphere of fear among the media.'
In the Great Lakes Region, the Democratic Republic of Congo is the only country to have progressed on the Index. It is now on the 142nd place, 3 places above last year.
Finland, The Netherland and Norway still dominate the top-three of the Index. Turkmenistan, North Korea and Eritrea are at the bottom of the list as 'dictatorial countries' with the least press freedom.
Ruhumuza Mbonyumutwa
Translated from French by Jane Nishimwe

2013 World Press Freedom Index: Rwanda falls 5 places


2013 World Press Freedom Index: Rwanda falls 5 places

 
Jan 31st, 2013 | By  | Category: Top news
In its World Press Freedom Index that was released this Wednesday, January 30th 2013, Reporters without Borders (RSF) classified Rwanda, governed by Paul Kagame, among the group of 'Africa's predatory censors'. The country has sunk 5 places compared to the years 2011-2012 and is now on the 161st place out of 179.
The association also lists Paul Kagame next to other African heads of state such as those of Eritrea, Djibouti and Swaziland, describing them as 'members of an exclusive club of authoritarian African leaders, some eccentric others stern, who hold their countries in an iron grasp and keep a firm grip on news and information.'
According to RSF, in countries governed by these leaders, 'media pluralism has been whittled away and criticism of the head of state discouraged.'
Burundi fell slightly, ranking 132nd compared to 130th on the last index. RSF states that 'summonses of journalists declined but the case of Hassan Ruvakuki, given a life sentence reduced to three years on appeal, has created an atmosphere of fear among the media.'
In the Great Lakes Region, the Democratic Republic of Congo is the only country to have progressed on the Index. It is now on the 142nd place, 3 places above last year.
Finland, The Netherland and Norway still dominate the top-three of the Index. Turkmenistan, North Korea and Eritrea are at the bottom of the list as 'dictatorial countries' with the least press freedom.
Ruhumuza Mbonyumutwa
Translated from French by Jane Nishimwe

Why Kagame will not discuss third term, at least not now


Why Kagame will not discuss third term, at least not now

The east african news
Rwanda's President Paul Kagame has declined to be dragged into a debate that is gaining currency in the country on whether he should extend his rule into a third term.
kagame third term
At a press conference last week, President Kagame, whose final term expires in 2017 as per the Constitution, said it was not yet the right time to discuss the possibility of a third term in office, preferring to postpone such talk "until that time comes."
"That shouldn't be a problem at the moment. I cross the bridge when I get there," he said.
In the past, Kagame has stated openly he is not interested in another term in office. Of the current East African heads of state, Kagame has the longest time left to the end of his tenure.
The question at the press conference marked the third time in a week that the president was being asked if he would allow a constitutional amendment to allow him a third term in office.
"The idea should be put aside [to allow us to] attend to more pressing issues facing citizens at the moment. Of all challenges we have been through, I don't think this would be the hardest to overcome. I actually desist from taking part in these debates because they tend to divert people's attention from what they have been doing. Time for that will come, why don't we then hold this discussion until the right time comes?" President Kagame told journalists.
Shortly after being re-elected in 2010, President Kagame had ruled out a possibility of his seeking another term after his term expires in 2017 but at the end of 2011, he observed that he has "no problem with people making calls for constitutional change."
The remarks, made at a press conference in Kampala in December 2011, triggered reactions, with observers saying that the Rwandan leader wouldn't mind another term in office.
Kagame later said that he was not interested in a third term. He rebuked Minister of Internal Affairs Musa Fazil Halerimana who ignited the debate during the 9th National Dialogue.
Since then, the issue of the third term has been a no-go area within the Rwanda Patriotic Front hierarchy. A Member of Parliament from the RPF who spoke to The EastAfrican on condition of anonymity said the topic was "considered among the sensitive " and one that had been put to rest.
"The party does not want to divert attention from other things to the issue of constitutional amendment. There are guidelines that any discussion on such is suspended," the MP said.
Within ruling party echelons, the issue of a third term for President Kagame, who is the chair of the party, has not been tabled. It is a well-kept secret according to the insider.
Efforts to reach the party vice chairman Christopher Bazivamo, party secretary general Francois Ngaramber proved futile as our calls went unanswered.
However, in an earlier interview with The EastAfrican, Senator Tito Rutaremara, one of the key members and founders of RPF, said the party was not short of possible replacements for President Kagame were he to step down at the end of his term.
"We have been nurturing young and energetic leaders who are ready to take over from us who are retiring soon. There is no vacuum within the RPF leadership," the elderly politician said.
In an interview, MP Abbas Mukama said at the end of the day what would matter was the voice of Rwandans.
"I don't think even President Kagame can decide whether he can have a third term. If the citizens make a call to him to continuefrom where he stopped, he cannot turn down the request of the people," the vocal MP, who is also a proponent of the third term, said.
"There are two things; there is his position as a person and a proposal of the people. If they feel like he has done well in the first two terms, they can decide to increase his mandate," Mr Mukama said.
The legislator, who is a member of Ideal Democratic Party (PDI), said the people had reasons to demand a third term, mainly because President Kagame has been behind the country's turnaround and brought about peace and stability as well as economic prosperity.
"Power belongs to the people. We fronted the idea as a party. You would say it is still early but if people want to speak early, so be it. If the calls persist, parliament will have no option but to call for a referendum on the issue. It is their right," the vocal MP said.
Christine Mukabunani, the head of the breakaway opposition party PS Imberakuri, said that, despite delivering a lot during his two terms, President Kagame would leave behind an even much bigger legacy if he honoured the Constitution.
"I think he has also said it in the past. There should be no reason to change the Constitution. I think he can serve in other capacities after his mandate ends rather than allow a constitutional change," Ms Mukabunani, who is also the spokesperson of the Political Parties Forum, said.

Why Kagame will not discuss third term, at least not now


Why Kagame will not discuss third term, at least not now

The east african news
Rwanda's President Paul Kagame has declined to be dragged into a debate that is gaining currency in the country on whether he should extend his rule into a third term.
kagame third term
At a press conference last week, President Kagame, whose final term expires in 2017 as per the Constitution, said it was not yet the right time to discuss the possibility of a third term in office, preferring to postpone such talk "until that time comes."
"That shouldn't be a problem at the moment. I cross the bridge when I get there," he said.
In the past, Kagame has stated openly he is not interested in another term in office. Of the current East African heads of state, Kagame has the longest time left to the end of his tenure.
The question at the press conference marked the third time in a week that the president was being asked if he would allow a constitutional amendment to allow him a third term in office.
"The idea should be put aside [to allow us to] attend to more pressing issues facing citizens at the moment. Of all challenges we have been through, I don't think this would be the hardest to overcome. I actually desist from taking part in these debates because they tend to divert people's attention from what they have been doing. Time for that will come, why don't we then hold this discussion until the right time comes?" President Kagame told journalists.
Shortly after being re-elected in 2010, President Kagame had ruled out a possibility of his seeking another term after his term expires in 2017 but at the end of 2011, he observed that he has "no problem with people making calls for constitutional change."
The remarks, made at a press conference in Kampala in December 2011, triggered reactions, with observers saying that the Rwandan leader wouldn't mind another term in office.
Kagame later said that he was not interested in a third term. He rebuked Minister of Internal Affairs Musa Fazil Halerimana who ignited the debate during the 9th National Dialogue.
Since then, the issue of the third term has been a no-go area within the Rwanda Patriotic Front hierarchy. A Member of Parliament from the RPF who spoke to The EastAfrican on condition of anonymity said the topic was "considered among the sensitive " and one that had been put to rest.
"The party does not want to divert attention from other things to the issue of constitutional amendment. There are guidelines that any discussion on such is suspended," the MP said.
Within ruling party echelons, the issue of a third term for President Kagame, who is the chair of the party, has not been tabled. It is a well-kept secret according to the insider.
Efforts to reach the party vice chairman Christopher Bazivamo, party secretary general Francois Ngaramber proved futile as our calls went unanswered.
However, in an earlier interview with The EastAfrican, Senator Tito Rutaremara, one of the key members and founders of RPF, said the party was not short of possible replacements for President Kagame were he to step down at the end of his term.
"We have been nurturing young and energetic leaders who are ready to take over from us who are retiring soon. There is no vacuum within the RPF leadership," the elderly politician said.
In an interview, MP Abbas Mukama said at the end of the day what would matter was the voice of Rwandans.
"I don't think even President Kagame can decide whether he can have a third term. If the citizens make a call to him to continuefrom where he stopped, he cannot turn down the request of the people," the vocal MP, who is also a proponent of the third term, said.
"There are two things; there is his position as a person and a proposal of the people. If they feel like he has done well in the first two terms, they can decide to increase his mandate," Mr Mukama said.
The legislator, who is a member of Ideal Democratic Party (PDI), said the people had reasons to demand a third term, mainly because President Kagame has been behind the country's turnaround and brought about peace and stability as well as economic prosperity.
"Power belongs to the people. We fronted the idea as a party. You would say it is still early but if people want to speak early, so be it. If the calls persist, parliament will have no option but to call for a referendum on the issue. It is their right," the vocal MP said.
Christine Mukabunani, the head of the breakaway opposition party PS Imberakuri, said that, despite delivering a lot during his two terms, President Kagame would leave behind an even much bigger legacy if he honoured the Constitution.
"I think he has also said it in the past. There should be no reason to change the Constitution. I think he can serve in other capacities after his mandate ends rather than allow a constitutional change," Ms Mukabunani, who is also the spokesperson of the Political Parties Forum, said.

BBC News - Matonge: Congo-Rwanda dispute hits heart of Europe


Matonge: Congo-Rwanda dispute hits heart of Europe

Mounted police in the Matonge district in Brussels, in December 2011, after the re-election of Joseph Kabila as DRC president
There was violence in Brussels following the re-election of Joseph Kabila as Congolese president in 2011

Tensions between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo are being played out among the diaspora communities - and perhaps nowhere more so than in one district of the Belgian capital.

African grocers, dozens of hairdressers, and music and video stores line the streets of Matonge in Brussels.

There is a Matonge in the Democratic Republic of Congo's capital Kinshasa too. When Belgium was the colonial power, the Congolese who came to Brussels created a marketplace a little bit like home - although Matonge in Kinshasa is a lot livelier, and the weather is better.

There is a substantial community of people from Central Africa living in the Brussels Matonge - including around 25,000 from DR Congo, many of whom are naturalised Belgian citizens, and perhaps 10,000 Rwandans.

They come to Matonge to shop. But in recent months, they have come to argue, too, about DR Congo's war - and sometimes to fight.

Congolese here blame Rwanda for perpetuating the war in eastern DR Congo by arming and supporting rebel militias, plundering the country's mineral wealth.

Each Tuesday, supporters of the Congolese and Rwandan opposition gather outside the Rwandan embassy to call for an end to Rwanda's interference in DR Congo.

Protestors outside Rwanda embassy in Brussels

But occasionally the protests spread to the streets of Brussels, and Rwandans in Matonge have been targeted.

Rwandan Grace Nyawumuntu's brother Jules paid the price.

After a demonstration by Congolese opposition supporters outside the Rwandan embassy in Brussels, a gang of Congolese accosted him.

"They asked him: 'Are you Rwandan?'" They chased him through the metro station and beat him," she says. "He was taken to hospital. His jaw was broken."

Trying to 'make peace'

Mostly, the protests and demonstrations remain peaceful. But Ms Nyawumuntu says when things get worse in DR Congo, as during the occupation of the eastern city of Goma by M23 rebels at the end of last year, the Rwandan community in Brussels fears for its safety.

A recent UN report blamed Rwanda for arming M23. Many Congolese in Brussels go further, calling Congolese President Joseph Kabila puppet of the Rwandan government. The mood among Matonge's Congolese is angry.

Rwandan journalist Ruhumuza Mbonyumutwa was roughed up at one Brussels demonstration a few months ago. "I only go into Matonge to get my hair cut now," he told me. "I don't stay there long, it could be dangerous."

Henry Muke Dishuishe, who leads a Congolese opposition political group in Belgium called the High Council for Liberation, acknowledges some young Belgian Congolese are turning to violence.

"I'm trying to do my best to make peace," he says. "But it's hard sometimes - some Congolese they go to Rwandese shops, they want to break it, and make fights in cafes.

"They make violence so the international community takes notice, because they've written many letters, informed many people, and nobody moves. So they say the only recourse they have is violence here in Europe."

Like many Congolese here, Mr Dishuishe is convinced Europeans are abetting Rwanda's illegal mining in DR Congo, including for coltan, a mineral vital to the electronics industry.

"We have an obligation derived from this colonial past - and a particular responsibility because many of the companies operating in DRC are European companies," says Ana Gomes, a Portuguese Member of the European Parliament with the Socialist Party.

"I'm afraid - I sense the tension is escalating and could turn even nastier than it is already."

But she says many turn a blind eye. "There's like a fatigue about the DRC, in spite of the fact that it is one of the most martyrized countries where the people - and in particular the women - are suffering."

Troubled past

Modern Belgium is uncomfortable with its colonial history - and has reason to be.

Anthropologist and curator Bambi Ceuppens
Anthropologist Bambi Ceuppens says the history of the Congolese people was ignored by Belgian colonialists

The brutality of Belgian King Leopold II, who negotiated personal ownership of Congo and began to plunder its vast resources in the 19th Century, is well documented.

A campaign by journalists and early human rights activists led to the creation of Belgian Congo in the 20th Century. Maybe the brutality and forced labour was reduced, but the plundering and patronising attitude to Africans continued until Patrice Lumumba's National Congolese Movement brought independence in 1960.

Museum exhibit
Many of the stories behind Congolese masks and idols have been lost

Even then, Belgium couldn't leave Congo alone - there is evidence of Belgian involvement in Lumumba's assassination when he became the first independent prime minister.

The Royal Museum of Central Africa just outside Brussels symbolises many of the, now unacceptable, attitudes to Belgian colonialism.

In the museum's marbled portico, golden statues celebrate the "civilising mission" - childlike Africans clutching imploringly and gratefully to the legs of a heroic Belgian nurse, or soldier, or statesman.

Anthropologist and curator Bambi Ceuppens, herself half-Congolese and half-Flemish, says the way the museum ignored the history of Congolese people - merely treating them like the animals and plants as exhibits to be stared at - led to the plundering of culture too.

She says there are many masks and idols that have obvious spiritual and ritual significance. "But we have lost their stories," she says. "They were brought here just because they looked nice."

Living together

But some Belgians, mostly from the younger generation, believe their nation has unbreakable links to Africa and a responsibility to help mediate the bloody legacy that still grips DR Congo.

A street scene of Matonge district in Kinshasa, DRC
The original Matonge - in the DR Congo capital Kinshasa

At a quaint, velvet-draped and packed theatre in the Matonge district of Brussels, Belgian producer Raffi Aghekian is introducing his new movie, Kinshasa Mboka Te - Kinshasa Wicked Land - to a mostly white crowd.

It is an offbeat profile of the DR Congo capital, through the lives and sometimes excesses of Kinshasa's people.

"There's a Matonge in Brussels and some of the movie was filmed in Matonge, Kinshasa," Mr Aghekian says. He's concerned that a part of Brussels that should be celebrating Belgium's diversity and history is becoming a place of division and fear.

"I want to bring the two Matonges together," he says.

Another big anti-Rwandan demonstration is planned for 16 February. The news from DR Congo is still bad, with rebel groups, including M23, still in control of many mining areas and tens of thousands still displaced from their homes. Tension in the Brussels Matonge is rising again.

Dan Damon presents World Update on the BBC World Service. Listen back to the programme from Brussels via iPlayer. Additional reporting by Megha Mohan.

-“The root cause of the Rwandan tragedy of 1994 is the long and past historical ethnic dominance of one minority ethnic group to the other majority ethnic group. Ignoring this reality is giving a black cheque for the Rwandan people’s future and deepening resentment, hostility and hatred between the two groups.”

-« Ce dont j’ai le plus peur, c’est des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre ».

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

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