Tuesday, 23 June 2015

[amakurunamateka.com] FW: {UAH} Britain arrests Kagame's spy chief on genocide charges: Lawyer (Includes interview)

Dear Billie and other Ugandans, ask you otherwise this question: what that spy was doing in the UK?

Has he been arrested in Rwanda his area of work?

From: kadameri@hotmail.com
To: ugandans-at-heart@googlegroups.com
Subject: RE: {UAH} Britain arrests Kagame's spy chief on genocide charges: Lawyer (Includes interview)
Date: Tue, 23 Jun 2015 08:10:08 +0000

George Okello, why are you British people disrespecting Africans by such arrest. ? I would like to see with bated breath what the 'real' reaction from Kigali will be.

Billie

Subject: {UAH} Britain arrests Kagame's spy chief on genocide charges: Lawyer (Includes interview)
From: grakanga@gmail.com
Date: Mon, 22 Jun 2015 23:19:57 +0200
To: ugandans-at-heart@googlegroups.com

http://m.digitaljournal.com/news/crime/britain-arrests-kagame-s-spy-chief-on-genocide-charges-lawyer-breaking-news/article/436485

Britain arrests Kagame's spy chief on genocide charges: Lawyer Special

Rwanda's intelligence chief — indicted by Spain on genocide charges in 2008 — has been arrested in Britain, a Spanish lawyer representing victims in a case of universal jurisdiction said Monday.
Emmanuel Karenzi Karake entered the UK more than a week ago and is now under arrest in London, Jordi Palou-Loverdos told Digital Journal.
Palou-Loverdos said confirmation of the arrest came from the Spanish court and Judge Fernando Andreu Merelles early Monday.
"I have received this morning the confirmation from the Spanish court and Judge Fernando Andreu that Karenzi Karake is under arrest in London," the lawyer told Digital Journal.
"Interpol UK has requested Interpol Spain confirm that the European Arrest Warrant is still alive and pending. That was done by the Spanish judge. Now all documents required by the UK are being translated officially into English," he added.
Scotland Yard and Britain's National Crime Agency were unable to immediately confirm the report, however.
Karake is currently director general of Rwanda's National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS), an umbrella spy agency that oversees intelligence gathering in civilian and military spheres.
In February 2008 Andreu Merelles issued an indictment against 40 commanders loyal to Rwandan President Paul Kagame on charges of genocide, crimes against humanity and other offenses committed in Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The charges against Karake stem from his tenure as head of military intelligence after the 1994 genocide. The Spanish court has accused the lieutenant general of ordering large scale, organized massacres of Rwandan civilians throughout a number of Rwandan areas.
The indictment also alleges that Karake ordered the killing of three Spanish nationals working for the NGO Medicos del Mundo and was ultimately responsible for the murder of Canadian priest Guy Pinard in 1997.
Palou-Loverdos hailed the arrest, which is the first to occur among the 40 Rwandan commanders indicted.
"This means that Rwandan, Spanish and Congolese victims killed in Rwanda and in the Democratic Republic of Congo from 1994 to 2000 are officially recognized," he said.
The arrest signals progress for 'truth, justice and memory of those who have disappeared violently."
"It means this hidden truth is somehow revealed and that there is hope for justice after all these obstacles," he declared, referring to struggles the Spanish court has faced in its attempt to persuade governments to agree to extradite Rwandan suspects close to Kagame.
In the indictment, defectors of Kagame's Tutsi-led army have given sworn testimony that under Karake's orders, thousands of Hutu civilians were killed in an area called Masaka, just outside the capital. The intelligence chief is also accused by his ex-colleagues of having ordered the systematic massacre of civilians in Ndera, Gabiro, Rwinkwavu, Nasho, Kidaho, Nkumba and Ruhengeri, including the "mass incineration" of bodies in Akagera Park, which was off limits to NGOs and UN personnel in the aftermath of the genocide.
Confidential documents from the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda -- accessed by this journalist -- confirm that from July 1994 until early 1997 when Karake was chief of Rwanda's Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI), special units systematically rounded up and killed Hutus throughout the country, and lured male Hutu recruits into the Rwandan Patriotic Army in schemes that led to their murder in Akagera Park near the eastern border.
Karake and another high profile Rwandan general named Charles Kayonga have visited Britain before and been able to roam freely, despite condemnation from human rights activists and victims' families.
Britain has long been one of Kagame's staunchest allies since the 1994 genocide.
The Spanish court said it had enough evidence to implicate Kagame in mass murder and reprisal atrocities but it could not indict the president because as head of state he has immunity.

Sent from Gook's iPatch!

"What you are we once were, what we are you shall be!"

An inscription on the walls of a Roman catacomb.

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Posted by: kota venant <kotakori@hotmail.com>

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-Ce dont jai le plus peur, cest des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre.
-The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
-I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
-The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
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FW: [amakurunamateka.com] Coming to Terms: What African leaders can achieve by letting go

Even sir P. Gourevitch starts seeing!

To: nzinink@yahoo.com
From: amakurunamateka@yahoogroups.com
Date: Mon, 22 Jun 2015 13:13:50 -0400
Subject: [amakurunamateka.com] Coming to Terms: What African leaders can achieve by letting go

http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2015/06/22/coming-to-terms-africas-succession-problem

Comment June 22, 2015 Issue

Coming to Terms

By Philip Gourevitch

Back in the summer of 2009, President Barack Obama went to Ghana and gave Africans a lecture about democracy, in which he paid tribute to determined voters across the continent who shared his enthusiasm for choosing their own leaders. "History is on the side of these brave Africans," Obama said, "not with those who use coups or change constitutions to stay in power. Africa doesn't need strongmen. It needs strong institutions." These were strong slogans, but history's allegiances are rarely so unmistakable.

What side is history on, for instance, in a country that has no sustained experience of democracy, if the only choice is between those who use coups and others who use coups? And what if one of those coup-using sides opposes the other because the other is trying to change the constitution to stay in power? That's what happened last October in Burkina Faso, a former French colony next door to Ghana, where each of the first five heads of government after independence was overthrown, and the sixth, Blaise Compaoré, having bumped off his predecessor, had clung to power for twenty-seven years, and didn't want to let go of it. The law said that Compaoré's time was up in 2015, so he moved to change the law, but the people weren't having it. For four days, the streets of Ouagadougou, the capital, filled with protesters, and on the fourth day—after some of them torched the parliament building and others occupied the national TV station, and the airport was declared closed—Compaoré drove into exile, and the military seized power, dissolving his government and promising national elections before long.

The alignment of the military with "people power" in Ouagadougou was generally hailed across Africa, and abroad, as good news: sure, it was yet another coup in Burkina Faso, but it was, just maybe, a coup for democracy. And seeing Compaoré fall inspired citizens elsewhere on the continent to defy other Presidents who were maneuvering to outstay their constitutional welcomes. In January, there were scenes of mayhem in Kinshasa, the capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo, after President Joseph Kabila proposed a law that would require a complete census before the next national election, a scheme that could keep him in power for years. Kabila is famously indifferent to popular sentiment—his men do crowd control with live ammunition—and at least forty people were killed, in four days, before the protesters withdrew. Kabila finally pulled back, too. He scrapped his proposed census law—as if, at least for the moment, he weren't sure whose side history was on.

Then, there is Burundi, a country haunted by decades of coups, assassinations, massacres, genocides, and civil war. Twelve years ago, an elaborate peace deal put the country back together, with a new President, the former rebel commander Pierre Nkurunziza. The constitution allowed him two terms, and he liked them so much, apparently, that at the end of April he announced he would run for a third, plunging the country once more into violent political crisis. Some generals attempted a coup, in the Ouagadougou spirit, but loyalist troops defeated them and, with them, any prospect of restoring the hijacked constitutional order.

Now Burundi's economy is in tatters, its independent press has been silenced, dozens of people have been killed by police, and many more have been beaten and terrorized by the youth wing of the President's party. More than a hundred thousand have fled the country. Nkurunziza doesn't seem to mind: he says that he is in touch with God, and does as God wishes.

Burkina Faso, Congo, and Burundi are among the world's poorest, least developed, worst governed countries. Compaoré, Kabila, and Nkurunziza are corrupt and unaccountable men, more like Mafia godfathers than like public servants, and they hardly bother to pretend otherwise. When they say that they must remain in office, they make no case for what good they'll do, no connection between their interest in power and the public interest.

In Rwanda, meanwhile, baskets and bundles have been arriving at parliament, stuffed with petitions calling on the deputies to amend the constitution so that President Paul Kagame can run for a third term when his current mandate is up, in 2017. More than two million Rwandans (in a country of twelve million) have reportedly signed these petitions, which are the culmination of several years of a relentlessly intensifying campaign by Kagame supporters. They argue that Rwanda owes its many extraordinary transformations since the genocide to his leadership, and that he must stay on if those gains are to be solidified. Kagame maintains that he and his apparatus have nothing to do with this effort, but he has dominated Rwandan political life since 1994, and Rwanda is far from an open society. If he didn't want this third-term campaign, it wouldn't exist.

Still, the only person in Rwanda who regularly and publicly professes not to have made up his mind about a third term for Kagame is Kagame. He says—in a way that recalls Shakespeare's Caesar, repeatedly refusing the crown, but each time more gently—that he needs to be persuaded of the argument. Yet for many years he insisted that he would step down in 2017. To hold on to power, he said, "would be a failure." Why is that no longer true? "By design or by default, nothing else has been prepared," one of his advisers said recently. That's the problem. It's not about term limits—it's a question of mortality. Without a firm idea of succession, the man who is the symbol of stability becomes the symbol of instability.

In Ghana, Obama spoke of the benefits of "peaceful transfers of power even in the wake of closely contested elections," and said, "This progress may lack the drama of the twentieth century's liberation struggles, but make no mistake: it will ultimately be more significant." There was plenty of drama in Nigeria recently, when, for the first time in its history, a sitting President, Goodluck Jonathan, was defeated by the leader of the opposition, Muhammadu Buhari, then congratulated him and relinquished power. It's hard to imagine how Jonathan could have better served his country, or shown how far it has come from its desolate decades of military dictatorships and coups. Kagame was right when he used to say that it would be like a mark of success to step down. It is the ultimate act of leadership.

Sign up for the daily newsletter: the best of The New Yorker every day.

Philip Gourevitch has been a regular contributor to The New Yorker since 1995, and a staff writer since 1997.

###

"Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King.

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Posted by: kota venant <kotakori@hotmail.com>

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[amakurunamateka.com] FW: [fondationbanyarwanda] Museveni to ask Kagame for war compensation - National

Daily Monitor wrote:

"Claims for pay

During the 1990-1994 Rwanda civil war a rebel group comprising mainly Tutsi refugees residing in Uganda launched a war against the oppressive Hutu regime.
During the war many people residing in areas bordering Rwanda abandoned their homes due to shelling from the Rwandan government forces battling the rebels. The shells killed several people and destroyed properties.
Several houses in villages neigbouring the Rwandan border were used as armouries by the Rwandan rebels.
The Rwandan rebels also harvested crops from peoples' gardens and slaughtered their livestock for food."

These Ugandans are not serious. They had to help brothers.

How and why should they present that as claims for pay? They can visit Rwanda to enjoy with us fruit of victory!

------------------------------------------------------------

To: nzinink@yahoo.com
From: fondationbanyarwanda@yahoogroupes.fr
Date: Mon, 22 Jun 2015 09:03:07 -0400
Subject: [fondationbanyarwanda] Museveni to ask Kagame for war compensation - National

Museveni to ask Kagame for war compensation

http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Museveni-to-ask-Kagame-for-war-compensation/-/688334/2760410/-/13h69euz/-/index.html

###

"Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King.

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Posted by: kota venant <kotakori@hotmail.com>

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[amakurunamateka.com] FW: [fondationbanyarwanda] Ikiganiro Vepelex-CIRI bagiranye na Dr Frank Habineza wa Green Party of Rwanda

Bamwe bati "Look at me", abandi bagiraga bati "Uzi ico ndico!"

Uretse ko bivuzwe mu ndimi zinyuranye, bitaniye he? None hazikubitiraho na "Humiliza nkuyobore" ihagalikiwe n'imbunda, twaba twaravuye he, tujya he?

To: fondationbanyarwanda@yahoogroupes.fr; democracy_human_rights@yahoogroupes.fr; rwanda_revolution@yahoogroups.com; imbona-nkubone@yahoogroupes.fr; rwanda-l@yahoogroups.com; urwanda_rwacu@yahoogroups.com; africaforum@yahoogroupes.fr; burundinet@yahoogroups.com; ibukabose@yahoogroupes.fr; forumurunana@yahoogroups.com; rwanda-all@yahoogroups.com; umusoto@yahoogroups.com; akagera@yahoogroups.com
From: fondationbanyarwanda@yahoogroupes.fr
Date: Mon, 22 Jun 2015 10:37:29 +0000
Subject: [fondationbanyarwanda] Ikiganiro Vepelex-CIRI bagiranye na Dr Frank Habineza wa Green Party of Rwanda

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bs7Zfd8BAoc

Bonne écoute!

Ismaïl

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Posted by: kota venant <kotakori@hotmail.com>

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FW: [amakurunamateka.com] Is Rwanda ‘Safe’ To Be Called ‘Home': A Life Of A Disgruntled Young Rwandan Refugee In The Diaspora.

Congratulations dear Lionel Nishimwe & Ngandu Consultancy for your correct and sound writing.

Through it you honor yourself, your qualification and your organisation.

I like so much how you discovered and defined the Rwanda dilemma:

" The bankruptcy of the first and the second revolution results from the fact that the leaders base their ideologies on ethnic groups and not on ideas. Indeed, Hutu think that the fact that they are majority means that they will be automatically the winners in the democratic elections and hence occupy the majority of the political posts and discriminate Tutsi.

Whereas Tutsi proclaim officially the end of ethnic mention in ID card or in the constitution as a way to hang on the power by appointing mainly Tutsi in the strategic posts in all the ruling organs of the country and discriminate Hutu. And at the same time they use the ethnic groups to fight against the genocide ideology.

And all Hutu opponents to the RPF regime will be politically eliminated simply by accusing them of having a genocide ideology (real or imaginary).

http://rwandatekaiteka.over-blog.com/article-opinion-rwanda-s-democracy-is-still-the-model-for-africa-by-paul-kagame-55939615.html"

Do you see dear netters, how Rwandese are still in trouble especially as ignorance and small country resource crunch exacerbated the dilemma as well?

That is it, that is the real root of mess we are dealing with and suffering from.

To: africarealities@yahoogroups.com; amakurunamateka@yahoogroups.com
From: amakurunamateka@yahoogroups.com
Date: Sun, 21 Jun 2015 19:09:46 +0000
Subject: [amakurunamateka.com] Is Rwanda 'Safe' To Be Called 'Home': A Life Of A Disgruntled Young Rwandan Refugee In The Diaspora.

Is Rwanda 'Safe' To Be Called 'Home': A Life Of A Disgruntled Young Rwandan Refugee In The Diaspora.

June 21, 2015 by Staff
Filed under News, Opinion, Politics, Weekly Columns

Leave a Comment

(ThyBlackMan.com) Some say that home is where the heart is, but for me home is where I most feel comfortable.

When one lives in a country for more than two decades,learn the culture of the said country, mingle with various tribes and learn all local languages. So long as their comfort is guaranteed as best as they would want it to be,this place is as good as home to them and for a young person, it is their only idea of home.

But who gets inconvenienced at home? Isn't the idea of home good enough to propagate an equal treatment where accessibility to basic needs is concerned?

A refugee is someone who has been forced to flee his or her country because of persecution, war, or violence.

A refugee has a well-founded fear of persecution for reasons of race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership in a particular social group.

Most likely, they cannot return home or are afraid to do so. War and ethnic, tribal and religious violence are leading causes of refugees fleeing their countries.http://www.unrefugees.org/what-is-a-refugee/

Young Rwandans in the diaspora (Africa especially) inherit the refugee status of their parent against their own volition I must mention.They are restricted to the confines subjected to their parents should they having been born in a refugee camp and with a sense of belonging,their only home is that which is exposed to them.

Many a times,they shy away from reality by avoiding to ask the tough questions-they get comfortable with the status quo. They deny the obvious by adopting everything they may learn which conflicts with their culture. Some of them go to an extent of refusing

to be defined by their ethnicity as they believe that such identities are the core to their alien existence (this applies mostly when young refugees are exposed to different cultures).

Rwanda has historically known different anti democratic regimes, which caused political turbulences, massacres, summary executions of the political opponents, the genocide and the crime against humanity. The bad governance of various regimes which succeeded one another in the power was always causing political tensions, massive exodus of the Rwandans towards the neighbouring countries.

Rwanda experienced two historic and unforgettable events which changed radically the daily life of the Rwandans.

The first event is the first revolution of 1959 which put an end to the monarchy and established the republic. The second event is the second revolution which is the return of mostly Tutsi refugees who took power in 1994.

During the period of these two revolutions in 1959 and in1994, Rwandans were always instrumented and ethnically exploited effectively by the politicians who wanted to reach the power. Throughout these two revolutions, the country was the theatre of confrontation between both ethnic groups Hutu and Tutsi.

The ethnic group was always in the center and was the cause of several massacres, war crime and crime against humanity without forgetting also the alleged Tutsi genocide in 1994.

The bankruptcy of the first and the second revolution results from the fact that the leaders base their ideologies on ethnic groups and not on ideas. Indeed, Hutu think that the fact that they are majority means that they will be automatically the winners in the democratic elections and hence occupy the majority of the political posts and discriminate Tutsi.

Whereas Tutsi proclaim officially the end of the ethnic mention in ID card or in the constitution as a way to hang on the power by appointing mainly Tutsi in the strategic posts in all the ruling organs of the country and discriminate Hutu. And at the same time they use the ethnic groups to fight against the genocide ideology.

And all Hutu opponents to the RPF regime will be politically eliminated simply by accusing them of having a genocide ideology (real or imaginary).
http://rwandatekaiteka.over-blog.com/article-opinion-rwanda-s-democracy-is-still-the-model-for-africa-by-paul-kagame-55939615.html

The politics of this nature become very difficult to be transferred to a new generation of Rwandans who the only home they know is 'diaspora.'

They grow up like Paul Kagame did-disgruntled,bitter and blaming everything to a set of ideologies.When their time to rule comes,they will continue with the same cycle that got Rwandans into this mess in the first place.

Suppose a Hutu fellow takes over Kagame.More Tutsi will go into exile and become refugees due to unfounded trust issues and the culture that does not promote tolerance.

Rwandan parents need to teach young people love as opposed to hate.They must renounce evil and inspire UBUMWE at all time.

Tutsi and Hutu must start to intermarry and foster greater bonds beyond ethnic lines.Extremists from both groups must be classified as enemies of progress and isolated if they fail to appreciate the idea of UBUMWE.

In the diaspora,at community level,Rwandan refugees are well known and already integrated.Some minute conflicts may have occurred here and there but these are just isolated petty jealousies which may happen even between twin siblings and/or spouses.
The main hindrance is the inability by the adults to preach the message of good will to their children.

Tutsi kids are taught to hate Hutu ones and vice-versa,yet we fight for a common cause which is seeing a democratic Rwanda driven by inclusive politics.

My dear brothers (Hutu or Tutsi), there is only one humanity.It may come in different colours, noses, heights, languages, cultures but beyond all these, as Rwandans, we are one and the same and we should treat each other in the same dignified, civilized and respectful manner.

Staff Writer; Lionel Nishimwe

We are an ' ADVOCACY AGENCY' that specialises in DISPUTE SETTLEMENT in liaison with relevant 'LEGAL ADVOCATES'. Can visit our official "fanpage" over at Facebook; Lionel Nishimwe & Ngandu Consultancy.

Is Rwanda 'Safe' To Be Called 'Home': A Life Of A Disgruntled Young Rwandan Refugee In The Diaspora. : ThyBlackMan.com



				Is Rwanda 'Safe' To Be Called 'Home': A Life Of A Disgru... (ThyBlackMan.com) Some say that home is where the heart is, but for me home is where I most feel comfortable.When one lives in a country for more than two decades,l...

				View on thyblackman.com	Preview by Yahoo

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Posted by: kota venant <kotakori@hotmail.com>

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-“The root cause of the Rwandan tragedy of 1994 is the long and past historical ethnic dominance of one minority ethnic group to the other majority ethnic group. Ignoring this reality is giving a black cheque for the Rwandan people’s future and deepening resentment, hostility and hatred between the two groups.”

-« Ce dont j’ai le plus peur, c’est des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre ».

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

Rwanda History

Pages

Tuesday, 23 June 2015

[amakurunamateka.com] FW: {UAH} Britain arrests Kagame's spy chief on genocide charges: Lawyer (Includes interview)

Britain arrests Kagame's spy chief on genocide charges: Lawyer Special

FW: [amakurunamateka.com] Coming to Terms: What African leaders can achieve by letting go

Coming to Terms

By Philip Gourevitch

[amakurunamateka.com] FW: [fondationbanyarwanda] Museveni to ask Kagame for war compensation - National

Museveni to ask Kagame for war compensation

[amakurunamateka.com] FW: [fondationbanyarwanda] Ikiganiro Vepelex-CIRI bagiranye na Dr Frank Habineza wa Green Party of Rwanda

FW: [amakurunamateka.com] Is Rwanda ‘Safe’ To Be Called ‘Home': A Life Of A Disgruntled Young Rwandan Refugee In The Diaspora.

Is Rwanda 'Safe' To Be Called 'Home': A Life Of A Disgruntled Young Rwandan Refugee In The Diaspora.

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