Troubling developments in the African Great Lakes region

http://www.kashambuzi.com/blog/1057-troubling-developments-in-the-great-lakes-region.html

Troubling developments in the Great Lakes region

Written by Eric Kashambuzi, on 28-01-2013 08:26   Views 31 Favoured None It has been difficult to fully understand the nature and causes of conflicts in the Great Lakes region because much information is kept away from public view or distorted in favor of Nilotic Tutsi and against Bantu Hutu. A combination of geopolitical conflicts over Great Lake's resources in collaboration with Tutsi, anti-sectarian laws in Uganda and Rwanda and reporting the region largely since 1994 in the wake of Rwanda genocide has left many things unsaid like the fact that Tutsi committed genocide against Hutu in Burundi in 1965, 1972, 1988 and 1993 as recorded by Lemarchand (1994) and reported by Patrick Duport in the undated paper titled "The Sub-regional context of the crises in Rwanda and Burundi". Evidence is turning up that RPA (Rwanda Patriotic Army) committed atrocities against Hutu people since 1990 but as Amnesty International has reported "The international community appears to be making excuses for the new Rwandese authorities and turning a blind eye to human rights violations committed by RPA soldiers on the ground that they are not as serious as those committed by its predecessor" (New Africa December 1994). Yusufu Bangura has warned that "In a context of ethnic divisions and social tensions, militarism may fan the flames of genocide as all parties to the conflict may be forced to operate in terms of ethnic survival. … It is important to note that elements within the ranks of the militarists are the same ones that committed genocide against Hutu refugees and rebuffed all efforts by the UN to investigate the crime. … Militarism breeds a culture of violence and empowers those with guns at the expense of civic groups and pro-democracy political parties [as is happening in Uganda now]"(West Africa 19 October-1 November 1998). It is important to note at this juncture that some governments hesitate to declare genocide because "Genocide is a crime that, under international law obliges certain responses from states and organizations with a commitment to human rights"(Current History April 1995). You also need to note that "Initially, the Rwandans [RPF government] requested the formation of an international court. But when the UN Security Council decided to locate the tribunal outside the country and not to allow the tribunal to use the death penalty, Rwanda, which then held one of the security council's seats, cast the lone dissenting vote against the court"(legalaffairs September/October 2002). It is also believed that Rwanda cast the lone vote against the establishment of the international tribunal because in establishing the tribunal the Security Council decided that it should "prosecute persons responsible for genocide and other serious violations of international humanitarian law committed in that country [Rwanda] and Rwandese citizens responsible for such acts committed in neighboring states between 1 January and 31 December 1994"(Chronicle March 1995). Rwanda government cooperation with the tribunal has been less than satisfactory. Wendy Davis has observed that "… Rwanda is disrupting cooperation for political gain, to prevent the tribunal's chief prosecutor Carla de Ponte from indicting Tutsi members of the Rwandan army for war crimes allegedly committed against Hutu in 1994"(legalaffairs September/October 2002). The international community has turned a blind eye to protect Rwanda government and soldiers. Here are some examples. 1. The Gersony report which concluded that "… there was a prevalence of systematic and sustained killing and persecution of civilian Hutus by the RPF" (Sadako Ogata 2005) was never published. 2. Sadako Ogata also reported that in southern and southeastern regions of Butare, Kibungo and parts of Kigali "Large scale and indiscriminate killings of men, women, children including the sick and the elderly, were consistently reported. Particularly random and violent were mass killings at meetings". These killings took place after Hutu soldiers and militia had left and "Ten thousand Tutsi returnees from recent and old times armed with spears and bow and arrows were present" (Sadako Ogata 2005). The report wasn't acted on. 3. Jean N. Gahururu reports that the late Sendashonga former minister of the interior in RPF government who was assassinated in Nairobi, Kenya had agreed to testify before the International Court on Rwanda. "This former dignitary of the Rwanda Patriotic Front, who had documented the genocide and massacres of Hutu and democratic Tutsi committed by the Rwanda Patriotic Front from 1990 to today[1998], was determined to dismantle the myth of the good liberator [RPF], who went to war to stop the genocide of April 1994. Might that not be not the reason he was assassinated?(EIR June 5, 1998). The international community kept silent. 4. Catharine Newbury writes "After taking power in 1994 the RPA [Rwanda Patriotic Army] engaged in massacres of Hutu in some regions. In 1995 dramatic cases of army brutality sent shock waves of fear through the camps. During the Kibeho massacre in April, at least 2000 and perhaps as many as 8000 persons were killed when RPA moved to close a displaced persons camp in southwestern Rwanda; in September more than 100 villages and their mayor were massacred at Kanama in northwestern Rwanda"(United States Institute of Peace. Zaire: Predicament and Prospects 1997). 5. The Vatican daily L'Osservatore Romano pointed out that Rwanda in reality has suffered a 'double genocide'. This second genocide … was a genocide of Hutu … continued in the forests of Zaire, where Hutu fugitives were massacred for months, without protection from the international community"(EIR June 18, 1999). 6. In an interview with Daniel N. Kalinali during the Commonwealth Summit in Kampala Uganda boasted while responding to a question about hunting down and killing genocidaires and Interahamwe in DRC "We did that very very successfully, absolutely" (The Africa Report 2008). But how did Kagame and his soldiers distinguish genocidaires and Interahamwe from civilians since the three groups mixed and wore the same clothes? That Uganda and Rwanda have managed to destabilize the region for so long and without condemnation is because they have external support. Lakongo Bafalikike reports that "It is hard for anybody to believe that Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi, three small and poor countries which produce coffee, tea, cotton and bananas, but no mineral exports can afford to attack an immense country such as the Congo, so rich in minerals … One wonders how they have managed to sustain the war for over three years now. They have dared to do so because they are looting Con go's wealth and enjoy the backing of external forces (West Africa 30th September-6thOctober 2002). It is also reported that during the pursuit of genocidaires and Interahamwe a foreign country "… provided the Rwandans [RPF/A] with information about refuge movements obtained from satellite surveillance of the area, thus helping them track those who left the area" (Debra Liang-Fenton 2004). Hutu continue to be treated by foreigners as the 'bad guys' who should be hunted down and punished severely. But we now know that RPF participated in the killing of Tutsi and moderate Hutu during the genocide period in 1994. The killing of Hutu by Tutsi in genocide style began in Burundi in 1965, 1972, 1988 and 1993. The genocide in Burundi is the first in the world after the holocaust. While many people in the Great Lakes region want peace and security, it is increasingly becoming difficult to imagine when that situation will arrive. There are still threats and the culture of impunity is still very much alive. The Hutu people have suffered disproportionately beginning in Burundi when the first pre-independence prime minister designate was assassinated by Tutsi rivals through a hired Greek gunman shortly before independence in 1962. The Social Revolution of 1959 in Rwanda was sparked by Tutsi youth when they attacked a Hutu who had just been appointed a local chief by Belgian authorities. It was the Tutsi that began attacking the newly established Hutu led government of Rwanda from Uganda shortly after independence. In spite of these facts about Tutsi aggression, Hutu people continue to be condemned for problems in the region. By and large, Hutu have been more victims than perpetrators of conflict. It is the Tutsi people since they met Bantu Hutu in the region in the 15th century that caused instability and insecurity, not Hutus. Unless Tutsi culture of violence with impunity is uprooted, the region won't enjoy peace in many years hence. A permanent mechanism needs to be put in place so that another M23 doesn't emerge. United Democratic Ugandans (UDU) is trying to bring about peace in the region by non-violent means. We call on peace-loving countries and organizations around to extend a helping hand in this worthwhile endeavor.

Troubling developments in the African Great Lakes region

http://www.kashambuzi.com/blog/1057-troubling-developments-in-the-great-lakes-region.html

Troubling developments in the Great Lakes region

Written by Eric Kashambuzi, on 28-01-2013 08:26   Views 31 Favoured None It has been difficult to fully understand the nature and causes of conflicts in the Great Lakes region because much information is kept away from public view or distorted in favor of Nilotic Tutsi and against Bantu Hutu. A combination of geopolitical conflicts over Great Lake's resources in collaboration with Tutsi, anti-sectarian laws in Uganda and Rwanda and reporting the region largely since 1994 in the wake of Rwanda genocide has left many things unsaid like the fact that Tutsi committed genocide against Hutu in Burundi in 1965, 1972, 1988 and 1993 as recorded by Lemarchand (1994) and reported by Patrick Duport in the undated paper titled "The Sub-regional context of the crises in Rwanda and Burundi". Evidence is turning up that RPA (Rwanda Patriotic Army) committed atrocities against Hutu people since 1990 but as Amnesty International has reported "The international community appears to be making excuses for the new Rwandese authorities and turning a blind eye to human rights violations committed by RPA soldiers on the ground that they are not as serious as those committed by its predecessor" (New Africa December 1994). Yusufu Bangura has warned that "In a context of ethnic divisions and social tensions, militarism may fan the flames of genocide as all parties to the conflict may be forced to operate in terms of ethnic survival. … It is important to note that elements within the ranks of the militarists are the same ones that committed genocide against Hutu refugees and rebuffed all efforts by the UN to investigate the crime. … Militarism breeds a culture of violence and empowers those with guns at the expense of civic groups and pro-democracy political parties [as is happening in Uganda now]"(West Africa 19 October-1 November 1998). It is important to note at this juncture that some governments hesitate to declare genocide because "Genocide is a crime that, under international law obliges certain responses from states and organizations with a commitment to human rights"(Current History April 1995). You also need to note that "Initially, the Rwandans [RPF government] requested the formation of an international court. But when the UN Security Council decided to locate the tribunal outside the country and not to allow the tribunal to use the death penalty, Rwanda, which then held one of the security council's seats, cast the lone dissenting vote against the court"(legalaffairs September/October 2002). It is also believed that Rwanda cast the lone vote against the establishment of the international tribunal because in establishing the tribunal the Security Council decided that it should "prosecute persons responsible for genocide and other serious violations of international humanitarian law committed in that country [Rwanda] and Rwandese citizens responsible for such acts committed in neighboring states between 1 January and 31 December 1994"(Chronicle March 1995). Rwanda government cooperation with the tribunal has been less than satisfactory. Wendy Davis has observed that "… Rwanda is disrupting cooperation for political gain, to prevent the tribunal's chief prosecutor Carla de Ponte from indicting Tutsi members of the Rwandan army for war crimes allegedly committed against Hutu in 1994"(legalaffairs September/October 2002). The international community has turned a blind eye to protect Rwanda government and soldiers. Here are some examples. 1. The Gersony report which concluded that "… there was a prevalence of systematic and sustained killing and persecution of civilian Hutus by the RPF" (Sadako Ogata 2005) was never published. 2. Sadako Ogata also reported that in southern and southeastern regions of Butare, Kibungo and parts of Kigali "Large scale and indiscriminate killings of men, women, children including the sick and the elderly, were consistently reported. Particularly random and violent were mass killings at meetings". These killings took place after Hutu soldiers and militia had left and "Ten thousand Tutsi returnees from recent and old times armed with spears and bow and arrows were present" (Sadako Ogata 2005). The report wasn't acted on. 3. Jean N. Gahururu reports that the late Sendashonga former minister of the interior in RPF government who was assassinated in Nairobi, Kenya had agreed to testify before the International Court on Rwanda. "This former dignitary of the Rwanda Patriotic Front, who had documented the genocide and massacres of Hutu and democratic Tutsi committed by the Rwanda Patriotic Front from 1990 to today[1998], was determined to dismantle the myth of the good liberator [RPF], who went to war to stop the genocide of April 1994. Might that not be not the reason he was assassinated?(EIR June 5, 1998). The international community kept silent. 4. Catharine Newbury writes "After taking power in 1994 the RPA [Rwanda Patriotic Army] engaged in massacres of Hutu in some regions. In 1995 dramatic cases of army brutality sent shock waves of fear through the camps. During the Kibeho massacre in April, at least 2000 and perhaps as many as 8000 persons were killed when RPA moved to close a displaced persons camp in southwestern Rwanda; in September more than 100 villages and their mayor were massacred at Kanama in northwestern Rwanda"(United States Institute of Peace. Zaire: Predicament and Prospects 1997). 5. The Vatican daily L'Osservatore Romano pointed out that Rwanda in reality has suffered a 'double genocide'. This second genocide … was a genocide of Hutu … continued in the forests of Zaire, where Hutu fugitives were massacred for months, without protection from the international community"(EIR June 18, 1999). 6. In an interview with Daniel N. Kalinali during the Commonwealth Summit in Kampala Uganda boasted while responding to a question about hunting down and killing genocidaires and Interahamwe in DRC "We did that very very successfully, absolutely" (The Africa Report 2008). But how did Kagame and his soldiers distinguish genocidaires and Interahamwe from civilians since the three groups mixed and wore the same clothes? That Uganda and Rwanda have managed to destabilize the region for so long and without condemnation is because they have external support. Lakongo Bafalikike reports that "It is hard for anybody to believe that Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi, three small and poor countries which produce coffee, tea, cotton and bananas, but no mineral exports can afford to attack an immense country such as the Congo, so rich in minerals … One wonders how they have managed to sustain the war for over three years now. They have dared to do so because they are looting Con go's wealth and enjoy the backing of external forces (West Africa 30th September-6thOctober 2002). It is also reported that during the pursuit of genocidaires and Interahamwe a foreign country "… provided the Rwandans [RPF/A] with information about refuge movements obtained from satellite surveillance of the area, thus helping them track those who left the area" (Debra Liang-Fenton 2004). Hutu continue to be treated by foreigners as the 'bad guys' who should be hunted down and punished severely. But we now know that RPF participated in the killing of Tutsi and moderate Hutu during the genocide period in 1994. The killing of Hutu by Tutsi in genocide style began in Burundi in 1965, 1972, 1988 and 1993. The genocide in Burundi is the first in the world after the holocaust. While many people in the Great Lakes region want peace and security, it is increasingly becoming difficult to imagine when that situation will arrive. There are still threats and the culture of impunity is still very much alive. The Hutu people have suffered disproportionately beginning in Burundi when the first pre-independence prime minister designate was assassinated by Tutsi rivals through a hired Greek gunman shortly before independence in 1962. The Social Revolution of 1959 in Rwanda was sparked by Tutsi youth when they attacked a Hutu who had just been appointed a local chief by Belgian authorities. It was the Tutsi that began attacking the newly established Hutu led government of Rwanda from Uganda shortly after independence. In spite of these facts about Tutsi aggression, Hutu people continue to be condemned for problems in the region. By and large, Hutu have been more victims than perpetrators of conflict. It is the Tutsi people since they met Bantu Hutu in the region in the 15th century that caused instability and insecurity, not Hutus. Unless Tutsi culture of violence with impunity is uprooted, the region won't enjoy peace in many years hence. A permanent mechanism needs to be put in place so that another M23 doesn't emerge. United Democratic Ugandans (UDU) is trying to bring about peace in the region by non-violent means. We call on peace-loving countries and organizations around to extend a helping hand in this worthwhile endeavor.

Fwd: Leta y'agatsiko irashaka kumara abatavuga rumwe nayo batuye mu Bubiligi

"Karangwa Semushi azwiho gusenya andi mashyaka ya opposition, abitumwe na Jack Nziza na Musoni James, akorera ku mugabane w'Uburayi kuva za RUD kugeza ejo bundi yirirwa agendana na ba Kazungu na Habimana bategura inyandiko zisebya RNC, abashakira za contacts ngo bakore za conference de presse zisebya RNC, ukubahuza n'abahutu Kazungu yasuzuguye ngo bishyire hamwe ngo barwanye RNC nkaho ariyo shyaka riri ku butegetsi. Amakuru ducyesha ahizewe, ni uko iyi trio Kazungu, Karanga na Habimana yamaze kugaragara k'uburyo Semushi Gerard yatakaje agaciro mu buhungiro akaba agiye gusubira Kigali aho agiye gutaha akanashinyagurira Mushayidi bivugwa ko aguye mu buroko agambaniwe na bagenzi be bakuriwe na Gerard Semushi na Maitre Alfonse Ndoba.

Kubera ko misiyo ye yamunaniye ubu ngo akaba yarijejwe na Musoni James kuzagororerwa naramuka atashye agatahana nagashyirahamwe ke yihimbiye ka PDP.

Ngo ntibirenga ukwa gatandatu adatashye.

Mbabajwe n'abayoboke be agiye guta ku gasi, batazi gahunda zihishe muri iryo taha etc.

Byari kugaragara neza nibura iyo babanza bagaha icyubahiro uwahaye ihahiro Mushayidi bamukuza nibura muri iriya gereza.

Ariko nta nuwakurayo amaso kuko abagome kabuhariwe Jack Nziza na shebuja Paul Kagame bashobora kwemera gufungura Mushayidi bamaze kumuha twa tuzi nyuma bikazitwa ko yishwe n'ikindi kintu doreko ari abahanga muri manipulations y'inkuru baha rubanda", Uwase Liliane.

Merci bcp Liliane.

Rukokoma, Ndahayo Eugene na Karangwa Gerald Semushi ni batahe vuba bakinguruke opposition.

Begin forwarded message:

From: Uwase Liliane <uwaseliliane108@yahoo.com>
Date: January 30, 2013, 12:21:42 PM PST
To: "Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
Subject: *DHR* Leta y'agatsiko irashaka kumara abatavuga rumwe nayo batuye mu Bubiligi
Reply-To: Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr

 

ABAHAGURUKIYE KUMARA ABATAVUGA RUMWE NA LETA MPOTOZI YA KAGAME AHA MU BUBILIGI

Maze iminsi nkurikirana ibihuha bisohoka ku mbuga, ibinyoma bicishwaho n'abakorera leta ya Paul Kagame rimwe na rimwe bikanayobya ababisoma badashishoje ; none mpisemo kubagezaho ibyo nagezeho mu bushakashatsi bwanjye bigamije kubereka abatuyobya, biyita amazina aya naya etc. Dore rero uko intore, ba maneko, abicanyi bakorera Kagame aha mu Bubiligi bakurikirana :

1. Ku isonga haza ucura imigambi yo kwica, kugura abatavuga rumwe na FPR, kubasenyera amago, kuroga, gutanga ibikoresho (uburozi, amafaranga, impapuro z'inzira, contacts etc) muri macye appui logistique et administratif. Uwo ni Jack Nziza, umwicanyi warengeje kamere, udasinzira iyo atagize uwo yivugana, ruharwa mu kubiba amacakubiri namatiku. Ababikurikiranira hafi bavuga ko ubukana afite mu kumara abana babanyarwanda abiterwa n'uko ari umunyamahanga (umufumbira wa za Gisoro) ariko akaba atanagira umuryango n'abavandimwe. Aba yaramaze abanyarwanda amahirwe ni uko ubwo bugome abuvanga n'ubuswa azwiho we na shebuja.

2. John (Jeef) Uwamungu : Uyu ni musanzire wa Jack Nziza akaba nawe ataraza muri Ambassade y'uRwanda muri Belgique yarishe abanyarwanda batagira uko bangana (reba inyandiko bamwanditseho kuri DHR). Ubu niwe ubitse uburozi na pistolets zazakoreshwa n'uzemera kwica abantu bamwe bamaze kwemezwa bakorera muri RNC nk'uyikuriye mu bubiligi, majoro witwa Emmanuel Nkubana na Alexis Rudasingwa kubera uko bamaze kujegeza Let aya Kagame bicecekeye. Ni nawe uha logistique intore ziva Kigali zije mu Bubiligi kureshya abahutu bibisambo ngo bitabire za come and see, abagurwa ngo bakomeze kugambanira abandi, gukwirakwiza impuha n'ibinyoma. Abo bagaragaye cyane ni nka Mannasseh w'Umuhudi (uzwiho ubugambanyi kuva kubwa Let aya Habyarimana), igisambo Maitre Zitoni (uzwiho nawe ingeso y'ubusambanyi akaba akiri Ruhande hari aho yahanutse avuye gusambana hitwa Mont Zitoni) na Capiteni wasezerewe Rushema. Uyu Uwamungu ni nawe wirirwa atera za Sida abakobwa cyangwa abagore baba bsahaka ibyangombwa bibafasha mubyo baba bifuza aha ku mugabane w'Uburayi. Ni nawe ukora recrutement y'intore akanazitoza uburiganya, gukoresha impuha, abizewe gukoresha uburozi etc. Ikibazo afite gusa ni uko ubuzima bwe bujegeye cyane kubera sida, gukunda amayoga kuko plans ze zose zimenyekana zitarajya mu bikorwa, ubwumvikane bucye na Ambasaderi na Bwitare (ubu umwunganira kuko ako kuneka kamunaniye) ndetse ubu akaba anafite ubwumvikane bucye n'undi murwayi mugenzi we bafatanije sida witwa Lysette ngo kubera uwo Lysette yaba nawe aha abatavuga rumwe na Leta amakuru iyo abonye harimo utu Euros dutubutse ; ariko ntanahenda kuko ijana riba rihagije.

3. Tacien Miheto Ndorimana na Aimable Karirima bashinzwe kugoresha itangazamakuru n'imbuga za internet mu gusakaza impuha , inzangano, amatiku, gusenya ingo zabananiranye kugurwa etc. Ndorimana Miheto Tacien niwe wahawe misiyo yo gusenyera umuyobozi wa RNC aha muri Belgique byamunanira akazakora amahugurwa yo kumurangiza akoresheje uburozi, nyuma akazagororerwa umwanya muri Leta, niwe mumtsi mukuru wirirwa aririmba gahunda za FPR, niwe leta ikoresha kwigarurira abagore babapfakazi cyangwa abatandukanye n'abagabo babo bari muri opposition cyangwa bakiri akazuyazi kubera ingeso azwiho y'ubusambanyi kuburyo umugore we yashobewe akaba yaramwemeye uko ari kubera kwanga gutandukana nawe atinya ko atashobora guhangana n'ubuzima kuko umuryango we ufite abanzi batagira ingano kubera amafuti ya Tacien Ndolimana Miheto. Karirima Aimable niwe wirirwa acura amakuru yo guha igihe.com cya FPR no gutegurira Ambasaderi Masozera ibyo abeshya mu itangazamakuru. Aba bombi nibo Leta ya Kigali icishaho amafaranga yo gutunga Ambassade kuko compte zayo zifunze biciye muri ASBL bafunguye mu gihe gishize.

4. Maurice Rwambonera na Chatale Karara. Aba bashinzwe recruitement muri come and see, nibo batojwe uko buriya burozi bwa Jack Nziza bukora, Maurice akabukoresha mu kabare ke yivugana uwamuyobeyeho usanzwe ushakishwa naho Chantale, indaya butwi, agakoresha ubusambanyi bwe gukurura abatavuga rumwe na FPR maze bamuyoberaho akabarangizanya n'ubwo burozi. Akoresha uwitwa Kavurati wahoze muri RNC kumushakira abagabo no kureshya abagomba kwivuganwa. Maurice Rwambonera yari yahawe misiyo yo kwivugana Dr Paulin Murayi na Winnie igihe yari afite umihango wo kurangiza ikiriyo, ariko Imana itega akaboko bamuca murihumye.

5. Kazungu Gustave na Habimana Bonaventure. Aba bari abayobozi barifatiye RNC bayikoresha icyo bashatse, bayiba dore ko Habimana yari tresorier na Kazungu wakamugenzuye akaba perezida we. Amafaranga ya cotisation zabayoboke bayagabaniraga mu kabare kitwa ku ryinyo inama ikirangira, bibye amakarita ya RNC barayagurisha, Kazungu yagurishaga reccomendations z'abayoboke babaga bacyeneye muri procedure z'ubuhunzi. Bari barahawe misiyo na Jack Nziza yo kumukorera bari mu ishyaka. Bari barasabwe gukora uko bashoboye RNC ntigire abayoboke benshi kandi binyangamugayo, gusuzugura abayobozi b'andi mashyaka kugirango bayangishe RNC, akoresheje Kazungu, gusuzugura abahutu bityo bange urunuka RNC, kuzigarurira uwitwa Emmanuel Nkubana na JM Micombero igihe cyagera bakazabaha bwa burozi. Igihembo cya mbere kigizwe n'akayabo gatubutse k'ama euros cyazaniwe Habimana Bonaventure n'uwitwa Colonel Kalibata igihe yari yaraje gusura umugore we wari waraje kubyarira muri Belgique. Yayamushyikirije ku manywa y'ihangu kukabare kitwa ku Ryinyo. Icya kabiri cyakiriwe n'umudamu we igihe yabeshyaga ngo yagiye Kampala mu gihe yari ari Kigali, yanijejwe ko nasenya burundu RNC azagororerwa amwe mu mazu ya Mukuru we Nzirorera ari Kigali. Ariko kwari ukumukina kuko ayo mazu arimo ibikomerezwa bya FPR ku buryo iyo yibeshya agataha bari bamuteguriye twa mutoyi (dore ko yikundira igitsina kubi) maze agakatirwa urwo gufata ku ngufu akarangiriza ubuzima bwe muru gereza, sida yanduye mu busambanyi bwe bw'indengakamere ikamukindura ataramara n'umwaka. Byaba Kazungu cyanga se Habimana baje gutungurwa bagaragaye mu gucuruza RNC bakubiswe inshuro bajugunywa hanze batarasoza uwo mugambi. Ababikurikirana hafi bavuga ko impuha n'ibisebo bigaragara ku mbuga bisebya RNC aribo babikora bakoresheje za pseudo zitandukanye babazwa n'uko batakaje umugati no gucuruza abanyarwanda. By'umwihariko Habimana asanzewo ubusambo bukabije kuko akiri na tresorier muri MRND yibyeyo akayabo gatubutse anacuza abana ba Nzirorera utwo bari bahawe na se muru testament.

Karangwa Semushi azwiho gusenya andi mashyaka ya opposition, abitumwe na Jack Nziza na Musoni James, akorera ku mugabane w'Uburayi kuva za RUD kugeza ejo bundi yirirwa agendana na ba Kazungu na Habimana bategura inyandiko zisebya RNC, abashakira za contacts ngo bakore za conference de presse zisebya RNC, ukubahuza n'abahutu Kazungu yasuzuguye ngo bishyire hamwe ngo barwanye RNC nkaho ariyo shyaka riri ku butegetsi. Amakuru ducyesha ahizewe, ni uko iyi trio Kazungu, Karanga na Habimana yamaze kugaragara k'uburyo Semushi Gerard yatakaje agaciro mu buhungiro akaba agiye gusubira Kigali aho agiye gutaha akanashinyagurira Mushaidi bivugwa ko aguye mu buroko agambaniwe na bagenzi be bakuriwe na Gerard Semushi na Maitre Alfonse Ndoba. Kubera ko misiyo ye yamunaniye ubu ngo akaba yarijejwe na Musoni James kuzagororerwa naramuka atashye agatahana nagashyirahamwe ke yihimbiye ka PDP. Ngo ntibirenga ukwa gatandatu adatashye. Mbabajwe n'abayoboke be agiye guta ku gasi, batazi gahunda zihihe muri iryo taha etc. Byari kugaragara neza nibura iyo babanza bagaha icyubahiro uwahaye ihahiro Mushaidi bamukuza nibura muri iriya gereza. Ariko nta nuwakurayo amaso kuko abagome kabuhariwe Jack Nziza na sebuja Paul Kagame bashobora kwemera gufungura Mushaidi bamaze kumuha twa tuzi nyuma bikazitwa ko yishwe n'ikindi kintu doreko ari abahanga muri manipulations y'inkuru baha rubanda.

Basomyi rero murabe maso mujye mwidegembya ku mugabane w'uburayi buzi ko inkoramaraso..

__._,_.___

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"L'extrémisme dans la défense de la liberté n'est pas un vice; La modération dans la poursuite de la justice n'est pas une vertu".

"Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice; moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue." (USA,Republican Convention 1964,Barry Morris Goldwater (1909-1998)).

"Le monde ne sera pas détruit par ceux qui font le mal mais par ceux qui regardent et refusent d'agir", Albert EINSTEIN.

Les messages publiés sur DHR n'engagent que la responsabilité de leurs auteurs.

CONSIDERATION, TOLERANCE, PATIENCE AND MUTUAL RESPECT towards the reinforcement of GOOD GOVERNANCE,DEMOCRACY and HUMAN RIGHTS in our states.

Liability and Responsibility: You are legally responsible, and solely responsible, for any content that you post to DHR. You may only post materials that you have the right or permission to distribute electronically. The owner of DHR cannot and does not guarantee the accuracy of any statements made in or materials posted to the group by participants.

" BE NICE TO PEOPLE ON YOUR WAY UP, BECAUSE YOU MIGHT MEET THEM ON YOUR WAY DOWN." Jimmy DURANTE.

COMBATTONS la haine SANS complaisance, PARTOUT et avec Toute ENERGIE!!!!!!
Let's  rather prefer Peace, Love , Hope and Life, and get together as one!!! Inno TWAGIRA

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RDC: comment la France a mis la main sur l'uranium congolais

Begin forwarded message:

From: "agnesmurebwayire" <agnesmurebwayire@yahoo.fr>
Date: January 30, 2013, 12:14:28 AM PST
To: Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr
Subject: *DHR* RDC:comment la France a mis la main sur l'uranium congolais
Reply-To: Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr

 

Jean-Michel Meyer – jeuneafrique.com, le 7 avril 2009

http://www.jeuneafrique.com/Article/ARTJAJA2517p057-060.xml0/

Lors de la visite de Nicolas Sarkozy en RD Congo, le 26 mars, Joseph Kabila a décidé de confier la relance de la filière uranium à Areva. Mais le gouvernement et les concurrents maintiennent la pression.

Tarmac de l'aéroport international de Kinshasa-Ndjili, le 26 mars au petit matin. Dans un voile de lumière, un jet privé loué par Areva dépose en douceur Anne Lauvergeon, la présidente du directoire du groupe nucléaire français. « Atomic Anne », comme la surnomment quelquefois les Américains, précède d'une heure environ l'arrivée de l'Airbus présidentiel de Nicolas Sarkozy, attendu à 8 h 30 pour la première étape de son périple de deux jours en Afrique qui l'a mené dans les deux Congos et au Niger, les 26 et 27 mars.

Mais alors que le chef de l'État français s'apprête à prononcer un discours devant les parlementaires congolais, à 11 heures, l'ancien sherpa de François Mitterrand à l'Élysée a déjà déserté le cortège officiel pour rejoindre, boulevard du 30-Juin, Martin Kabwelulu, le ministre des Mines de la République démocratique du Congo. Jupe noire, veste blanche à fines rayures rouges et gros boutons noirs, Anne Lauvergeon signe alors avec le représentant du gouvernement un accord-cadre d'un genre nouveau. Il attribue au numéro un mondial du nucléaire civil un permis de recherches de gisements d'uranium, ou « yellow cake », sur l'ensemble du territoire de la RD Congo ainsi que l'exploitation future du minerai enfoui dans le sous-sol.

Du jamais vu ! Côté français, on jubile. « Nous sommes dans un monde de concurrence et notre accord va faire des jaloux », s'est réjouie le jour même Anne Lauvergeon. Depuis la fin de l'époque coloniale, aucun groupe occidental n'avait obtenu le permis d'explorer seul la totalité de la superficie d'un pays africain. « Je crois bien que nous sommes l'unique entreprise dans le monde à avoir ce type de mandat. De plus, nous brisons un tabou. C'est la première fois que l'on ose parler d'exploration d'uranium en RD Congo, une activité qui participait jusque-là du domaine réservé de l'État », ajoute le Burkinabè Zéphirin Diabré, président pour l'Afrique et le Moyen-Orient d'Areva et conseiller de la présidente pour l'international.

L'accord exhale-t-il un parfum de néocolonialisme ? En ouvrant son territoire au numéro un mondial du nucléaire civil, la RD Congo ne prend-elle pas le risque de se transformer en « filiale » d'Areva SA ? « Nous étions à la recherche d'un partenaire sérieux qui nous offre la garantie d'utiliser des technologies fiables dans une industrie sensible et dangereuse afin de relancer les mines d'uranium du Katanga. Il est capital que l'uranium ne tombe pas entre les mains d'États ou de bandes criminels. La réputation d'Areva et de la France a convaincu le gouvernement de reprendre l'exploitation des mines fermées depuis des années, explique Lambert Mende Omalanga, le ministre de la Communication et des Médias de RD Congo. Les négociations, secrètes, ont duré plusieurs mois. »

Ménager Pékin

A priori, la RD Congo fait coup double. D'une part, le pays s'ouvre une nouvelle source de revenus prometteuse sur un marché très porteur avec le retour en grâce du nucléaire civil dans le monde. La construction de plus d'une cinquantaine de réacteurs nucléaires est programmée d'ici à 2020 (Chine, Inde, Russie, Japon, Canada…), selon la World Nuclear Association. De l'autre, le président Joseph Kabila ménage la susceptibilité de son partenaire et principal bailleur de fonds, la Chine. Le géant Areva, qui contrôle de 20 % à 25 % du marché mondial de l'uranium, fournit en effet les centrales nucléaires chinoises en combustible et a vendu deux centrales EPR de dernière génération à la compagnie d'électricité chinoise CGNPC. Demain, elles seront alimentées par du combustible congolais. « Avec Areva, la RD Congo a l'assurance de vendre l'uranium à un prix garanti », promet Anne Lauvergeon. Une bonne nouvelle pour un pays qui souffre de l'effondrement des cours du diamant et du cuivre, sensible depuis 2008.

Vrai jackpot pour Areva ou simple mirage sans lendemain ? « Nous aurons de bonnes surprises », assure Zéphirin Diabré, le chasseur de gisements d'Areva, qui parie sur la richesse supposée du pays. Outre d'importants gisements de manganèse, de bauxite, d'or ou de minerai de fer, l'actuelle RD Congo, souvent décrite comme un « scandale géologique », renferme plus de la moitié des réserves mondiales de cobalt, 10 % de celles de cuivre, 30 % de celles de diamant et plus de 70 % des réserves de coltan, utilisé dans la fabrication des téléphones portables. Pour l'uranium, c'est dans le Bas-Congo, au Nord-Kivu, au Katanga, et peut-être au Kasaï, que les espoirs sont les plus grands, même si à ce jour seule la mine katangaise de Shinkolobwe, à 35 kilomètres de Likasi, atteste d'un gisement connu et exploitable. C'est d'ailleurs Shinkolobwe qui a fourni aux Américains, via les colonisateurs belges de l'époque, l'uranium nécessaire à la fabrication de la bombe atomique de Nagasaki, en 1945. Le maintien sous contrôle américain de cette mine fut d'ailleurs l'une des raisons qui ont convaincu la CIA de placer, puis de soutenir, Mobutu à la tête du Zaïre.

Des rêves de grandeur

Officiellement fermée depuis près de quarante ans, Shinkolobwe a en réalité toujours été exploitée illégalement par la population locale, alimentant des trafics vers les pays voisins. Elle a également fait l'objet des plus folles rumeurs de vente d'uranium à la Libye, à la Corée du Nord ou à l'Iran… Des fantasmes et des rêves de grandeur qui, au milieu des années 1970, se retrouvent dans le projet fou d'un Mobutu, s'imaginant concurrencer la Nasa et le programme Soyouz avec l'aide d'une obscure société allemande, l'Otrag, dans son projet avorté de créer un centre spatial en pleine brousse afin de mettre sur orbite la fusée des pauvres, la « Volkswagen de l'espace » ! Démesure encore lors de la signature, en septembre 2007, du « contrat du siècle » avec Pékin. Pour 6,5 milliards de dollars d'investissements dans les infrastructures (chemins de fer, routes, logements sociaux…), les entreprises chinoises se sont ouvert l'accès des mines de cuivre, de cobalt et d'or du pays.

Est-ce pour matérialiser le rêve qu'on lui prête de doter son pays de 65 millions d'habitants d'une centrale nucléaire que Joseph Kabila paraît privilégier Areva aujourd'hui ? Outre le ministère des Mines et la direction de Gécamines, l'entreprise publique détentrice jusque-là de tous les droits miniers en RD Congo et pilotée par Paul Fortin, le projet de la relance de l'exploitation de l'uranium en RD Congo passe obligatoirement par la présidence. Et si ce n'est directement par le bureau de Joseph Kabila, c'est immanquablement par celui de son très proche conseiller, le Katangais Augustin Katumba Mwanke.

C'est d'ailleurs le président congolais en personne qui a donné son feu vert au groupe français lors de son séjour à Paris, à la mi-2008. En marge d'un entretien officiel à l'Élysée avec Nicolas Sarkozy, le 16 juillet dernier, Kabila a reçu dans sa suite de l'hôtel Ritz Anne Lauvergeon et Zéphirin Diabré. Aussitôt, le numéro un mondial du nucléaire civil place ses pions sur le terrain dans la plus grande discrétion. Pour prendre le pouls de la stratégie du gouvernement congolais en matière d'exploitation minière, le groupe avancera sous un nom d'emprunt pendant dix-huit mois à travers une filiale créée pour la circonstance. Baptisée Songhaï, « en référence à un peuple du Niger », explique Zéphirin Diabré, qui la dirige, cette société est théoriquement basée en Afrique du Sud. « Nous avons choisi de ne pas nous afficher en tant qu'Areva pour ne pas éveiller l'attention de nos concurrents, ce qui aurait fait grimper les enchères », justifie-t-il.

L'Élysée mobilisé

Le groupe français n'a ménagé ni ses forces ni ses appuis. Les politiques ou les « avocats » du groupe nucléaire s'affairent auprès des autorités congolaises depuis des mois. Le 9 janvier, Bruno Joubert, le « Monsieur Afrique » de l'Élysée, a profité d'un séjour à Kinshasa destiné à préparer le déplacement de Nicolas Sarkozy pour évoquer le sujet Areva avec le président congolais. Dans l'ombre, George Forrest, l'incontournable homme d'affaires belge implanté depuis des lustres dans le secteur minier congolais, et Patrick Balkany, le député-maire de Levallois-Perret (Hauts-de-Seine), intime de l'hôte de l'Élysée, sont les intermédiaires d'Areva en Centrafrique et en RD Congo depuis au moins deux ans. Accueillant régulièrement des émissaires africains à Paris, invité à chaque déplacement présidentiel en Afrique, Patrick Balkany, en voyage dans les Antilles, nous a fait savoir par son service de presse qu'il n'avait rien à voir avec Areva. « Je connais Balkany, c'est un homme dynamique qui pousse les entreprises françaises à s'installer en RD Congo », confiait pourtant George Forrest à Jeune Afrique, début 2008, lors d'un voyage de presse organisé par son groupe pour visiter ses gisements congolais de cuivre et de cobalt. Et pour cause. L'ami de Nicolas Sarkozy est un familier du jet privé de l'homme d'affaires belge. « Il est clair que Balkany a joué un rôle en RD Congo », complète un industriel français présent dans le pays.

Malgré tout, rien n'est joué définitivement en faveur d'Areva. Si le numéro un mondial du nucléaire civil a une longueur d'avance sur ses concurrents, il ne possède aucune exclusivité sur l'uranium congolais. « Malgré les déclarations de Nicolas Sarkozy, le ministère des Mines et Areva n'ont signé qu'un mémo d'intention. C'est un bon départ pour le groupe français, mais ce n'est pas encore un contrat en bonne et due forme. Le gouvernement congolais a fait part de son intention d'ouvrir l'exploitation de l'uranium à d'autres partenaires, russes, américains et chinois. Ces derniers se sont déjà montrés très intéressés », tempère Jean-Marie Longonya Okungu, patron de l'Agence congolaise de presse et proche du pouvoir.

Pour l'instant, beaucoup reste à faire même si les choses avancent vite. Les partenaires franco-congolais doivent régler les détails sur le fond (calendrier des zones de prospection, constitution d'équipes binationales, investissements consentis par les deux parties…). Le principe d'une société commune est arrêté, avec une participation de Gécamines et d'Areva en actionnaire majoritaire, pour mettre en musique l'accord de coopération. Autre point défini : la priorité donnée à la remise en route de la mine de Shinkolobwe, avant d'explorer les autres gisements potentiels du pays.

Les avocats du groupe français sont actuellement mobilisés pour faire enregistrer dans les semaines à venir, à Kinshasa, la naissance d'Areva Congo ou d'Areva RD Congo – le nom fait encore débat. De leur côté, le ministère des Mines et la haute direction de Gécamines peaufinent les exigences congolaises. « L'accord, avec toutes les modalités de mise en œuvre, devrait être validé dans les quinze jours », assure-t-on au ministère des Finances à Paris.

Reste qu'avec un gouvernement congolais qui maintient la pression et des concurrents qui digèrent mal cet accord-cadre concocté en catimini par Areva avec l'appui de l'Élysée, la partie est loin d'être gagnée. Américains et Canadiens sont à l'affût. Ainsi que la China National Uranium Corp., déjà présente au Niger, ou le magnat du diamant israélien Dan Gertler. À 40 ans, le patron de DGI Group (Dan Gertler Investment) diversifie ses activités minières en RD Congo (fer, cuivre, cobalt…). Très proche des cercles dirigeants, il avait convaincu en 2000 Laurent-Désiré Kabila de lui confier l'exclusivité de l'exportation des diamants congolais – un contrat cassé depuis par Joseph Kabila. La bataille pour l'uranium congolais n'est pas terminée.

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UT UNUM SINT

"L'extrémisme dans la défense de la liberté n'est pas un vice; La modération dans la poursuite de la justice n'est pas une vertu".

"Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice; moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue." (USA,Republican Convention 1964,Barry Morris Goldwater (1909-1998)).

"Le monde ne sera pas détruit par ceux qui font le mal mais par ceux qui regardent et refusent d'agir", Albert EINSTEIN.

Les messages publiés sur DHR n'engagent que la responsabilité de leurs auteurs.

CONSIDERATION, TOLERANCE, PATIENCE AND MUTUAL RESPECT towards the reinforcement of GOOD GOVERNANCE,DEMOCRACY and HUMAN RIGHTS in our states.

Liability and Responsibility: You are legally responsible, and solely responsible, for any content that you post to DHR. You may only post materials that you have the right or permission to distribute electronically. The owner of DHR cannot and does not guarantee the accuracy of any statements made in or materials posted to the group by participants.

" BE NICE TO PEOPLE ON YOUR WAY UP, BECAUSE YOU MIGHT MEET THEM ON YOUR WAY DOWN." Jimmy DURANTE.

COMBATTONS la haine SANS complaisance, PARTOUT et avec Toute ENERGIE!!!!!!
Let's  rather prefer Peace, Love , Hope and Life, and get together as one!!! Inno TWAGIRA

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http://www.blackstarnews.com/news/135/ARTICLE/8655/2013-01-30.html

NRA Cares More About Gun Industry Profits Than Children's Lives These merchants of murderous munitions care more about their profit-margin than the deaths of innocent people—even children; just collateral damage as far as they're concerned. The NRA's worry here for the gun merchants' bottom line is evidenced by the specious statements NRA... Full Story ADVERTISEMENT   Recent Comments BSN does not necessarily support or endorse view points expressed throughout this site.    ADVERTISEMENT

Kuwait Compensated $50 Billion For Iraq Crimes: When Will Congo Be Paid For Rwanda's And Uganda's Wars of Aggression? Black Star News Editorial 01-30-13       Rwanda's Gen. Paul Kagame. If UN does the right thing his country and neighbor Uganda may have to dig deep to compensate Congolese         email it! print it! pdf it! XML VERSION      5 Stars - Excellent 4 Stars - Good 3 Stars - Average 2 Stars - Fair 1 Stars - Poor  3.5 / 5 (3 Votes)      [Black Star News Editorial]    Part One in a special series on the war of aggression against Congo  A recent news Associated Press update didn't make the front-pages of The New York Timesbut every Congolese citizen and victims of wars of aggression everywhere need to pay attention to it.  Saddam Hussein is long dead and buried but the United Nations makes sure that Iraq still pays for the crimes committed by his armed forces when he invaded Kuwait in 1990.  As The Associated Press reported on January 24: "The U.N. panel that settles claims for damages from victims of Iraq's 1990 invasion of Kuwait has paid out another $1.3 billion — bringing the total so far to $40.1 billion."  The report adds, "The U.N. Compensation Commission did not disclose the identities of the claimants on Thursday but said the money goes toward settling two claims for damages to Kuwait's oil fields, as well as production and sales losses. The Geneva-based commission was established by the U.N. Security Council in 1991 and is funded by a 5 percent tax on the export of Iraqi oil."    The report concludes: "It has approved $52.4 billion in total compensation to more than 100 governments and international organizations, and makes payments every three months."  The Democratic Republic of Congo has been the victim of several invasions and genocidal wars of aggression from Uganda and Rwanda dating back to 1997. The most recent war of aggression just ended recently when President Barack Obama telephoned Rwanda's President Gen. Paul Kagame and told him to stop supporting M23.   In reality, M23 is a cover for Rwanda's and Uganda's invasion of Congo. The United Nations' Group of Experts report found that Rwanda's regular army soldiers marched alongside M23 fighters when it seized the Congo city of Goma, where war crimes were committed and reported my major media including The New York Times. The BBC reported that the invasion force carried off $1 million in cash from the Central bank in Goma.  Separately, Human Rights Watch reported that M23, whose chain of command as the United Nations reported lead to Rwanda's Defense Minister James Kabarebe  , carried out "widespread war crimes."  Already in 2005, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) found Uganda liable for what amounted to war crimes, including massacres and plunder of Congo's resources and agreed with Kinshasa's claim of $10 billion.  Later, as reported in The Wall Street Journal   on June 8, 2006, Uganda's President Gen. YoweriMuseveni urged then United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan to block a separate ICC investigation for criminal liability against Uganda's political and military leadership which would include Museveni himself. The general didn't want to end up being indicted like the Sudan's Omar Hassan al-Bashir eventually was in 2008. So, in addition to $10 billion dating from 2005, Congo is owed potentially billions more as a result of the crimes committed since then by its unfriendly neighbors Uganda and Rwanda. And as far back as 2000, the United Nations had already recommended that Congolese businesses were entitled to compensation from Uganda and Rwanda.  Both Uganda and Rwanda have been supported by the U.S. for many years. Where are Congo's best lawyers and other international lawyers with conscience who can extend helping hands to Congo's victims of aggression similar to Kuwait's 1990 victims?  "Speaking Truth To Empower."