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Thursday, 17 January 2013

Rwanda: INGOMA YA KAGAME NA FPR-Inkotanyi KU NKOMBE Z’INYANJA Y’AMAZI ABIRA

http://rwanda-in-liberation.blogvie.com

INGOMA YA KAGAME NA FPR-Inkotanyi KU NKOMBE Z'INYANJA Y'AMAZI ABIRA Par Sanga Clair

Mercredi, 16 Janvier 2013 16:59 - Mis à jour Mercredi, 16 Janvier 2013 17:20
rwanda2.pngKuva FPR-Inkotanyi yafata ubutegetsi iyobowe na Paul Kagame mu mwaka w'1994, abanyarwanda benshi n'amahanga, buri wese ku mpamvu ze, ntibahwemye kuyivuga ibigwi ndetse bamwe bakanayitaka ubwiza n'ubutwari itigeze igira, bitewe gusa nuko benshi bibazaga ko FPR ali nk'ishyaka rivuye mu ijuru ritagira inenge ko n'ingabo zayo z'Inkotanyi zidashobora guhangarwa no gutsindwa bibaho. Ibi byose rero bifite uko byaje n'icyabiteye alibwo buriganya n'ubugome bwo ku rwego rwo hejuru FPR na Kagame babashije kwiyambaza maze bagacurika isi yose n'abanyarwanda ubwabo, baba abahutu cyangwa se abatutsi.
Dore akaga katumye akaga katumye FPR ifatwa nk'umukiza n'umukunzi w'igihugu, kandi yarabaye gica kurenza ingoma zose zayibanjirije.
KU BANYARWANDA
ABATUTSI
Duhereye ku batutsi bari bamaze imyaka irenga mirongo itatu mu buryamirwe bukabije mu gihugu imbere, abandi barahejejwe ishyanga mu buhunzi, twavuga ko akababaro no kwifuza ko ingoma y'abahutu yavaho byabahumye amaso ntibatekereza guharanira impinduka nyayo yateza igihugu imbere hatarebwe amoko, ahubwo bagenda buhumyi inyuma ya Kagame nta n'ubajije icyerecyezo n'iherezo ry'inzira, gusa habaho kwizera ko Kagame na FPR ye bazabavaniraho ingoma y'igitugu y'abahutu, bakibeshya ko kuvaho kwayo bihagije kugira ngo bagire amahoro. Nta n'uwatekerezaga kubaza Kagame ngo ese iyi ngoma ya MRNAD nimara guhirima hazakurikiraho iki? Nyamara Kagame we ntiyahwemye kubereka imigambi ye mibisha atoteza akanivugana umubare utari muke w'aba-francophones kuva akili mu ishyamba. Aho Kigali ifatiwe, abatutsi babonye ishyano batari biteguye, kuko FPR yabahitanyemo benshi ibita ko nabo babaye abahutu ngo kuko batari barahunze. Ikanabishongoraho ngo abatutsi bo mu Rwanda bateze amajosi! Abavuye hanze babivugaga kubera kubeshywa na FPR ngira ngo ubu bamaze gusobanukirwa isomo kuko Kagame asogota bose nta n'umwe ukopfoye, kandi abenshi bakarugumamo. Aho abatututsi bamariye kumenya ububi bwa FPR rero, aho guhita bahaguruka ngo bayirwanye ahubwo bacitsemo ibice bishingiye ku bumara FPR na Kagame babateyemo.
Bamwe bati nanga abahutu kubi, iki ni ikigoryi cyacu reka dupfe kwicwa na Kagame ntacyo aho gutiza abahutu umurindi. Abandi bati turahangayitse kurenza ku bwa Kinani, aliko Inkotanyi zirakaze nta wazigerereza ngo azirwanye. Abandi Kagame abumvisha ko abatutsi b'abagome ari abacikacumu ba jenoside, ko uzi ubwenge yabagendera kure, ko ngo barutwa n'abahutu. Jye ubwanjye nigeze kwiyumvira umubyeyi umwe wo muli FPR, wabyaye akonsa ndetse nubahaga, aganira avuga ngo « Uwafata abahutu bose, akongeraho n'abatutsi babaga mu Rwanda (abacikacumu) bose agashyiraho imbagara agatwika, nibwo twakwibera mu gihugu cyacu tunezerewe !! ».
Hari mu kwezi kwa Kanama 1995, ku italiki ya 23 hariya muli Kigali. Abahutu nabo Kagame akabumvisha ko umwanzi wabo ali wawundi, ali umututsi wo mu Rwanda, ko uwavuye hanze ntacyo bapfa, maze ab'abaswa bakabyemera bikaba bimuhesheje agahenge ko gukomeza kubakandamiza nta nabo bamukomera amashyi. Ku rundi ruhande rero, abatutsi b'abacikacumu FPR iyobowe na Kagame irabanza ibumvisha ko barokotse kubera yo, ko amahanga yabatereranye kandi abahutu bose ari abagome babatemaguye, ko iyo FPR n'ingabo zayo batahaba nta kaba kararokotse, ko alibo babyeyi kandi Kagame abakunda cyane! Abanyarwanda ngo « Bwenge naguhenze »! Maze si ukubazengereza akora iyo bwabaga. Ni uko kubera gutinya ko inshuti yabo mu rukundo rwa bihehe FPR ya Kagame yabita abahutu, bamwe muli bo bashakisha ubutoni ku mwami w'ishyamba Kagame aliko babikorana ubujiji bwinshi cyane, batangira kwiva inyuma no kwerekana ko bo batabaye abahutu berekana ko banga umuhutu wese aho ava akagera, bakabeshyera umuhutu wese yaba muto cyangwa se mukuru ko bamubonye yica kandi ko ali interahamwe ruharwa. Ntibakamenye ko iyo aliyo Turufu Kagame yifuzaga (ko ali nawo mutego yashakaga ko bagwamo kimwe na ba bahutu twavuze) kugira ngo akomeze abaryanishe n'abahutu muli rusange bityo akomeze yitegekere hatagize uwibuka kumurwanya!
Ubundi muli bwa buhendabana n'uburiganya, Ikigega cy'abacitse ku icumu Kagame aba agihinduye icy'abatutsi gusa kugira ngo ababeshye ko abitayeho, arangije abigizayo bose bakanura amaso, maze umwana w'umwega Kagame arakimiragura karahava maze agisiga cyera, agakopfoye ngo karabaza akagaterera iwa kajwiga. Kubera urwo rwikekwe rero buri mututsi wese yashatse kurwana no kwikiriza amagara yerekana ko we ashyigikiye Kagame na FPR, ngo hato adakanga rutenderi bakamwita ko n'ubundi abatutsi bo mu rwanda babaye abahutu n'ibisambo, maze muri uko kwigura si ukugambana no guhemuka biva inyuma.
Umututsi wavuye hanze ushatse kwamagana ayo mahano rero nawe Kagame ntiyamwibagiwe kuko yamuvumburiye undi mutwe (ngo zigira amayeri menshi) wo kumuziba akanwa. Kagame na FPR bati twamenye ko no mu bahunze cyera burya halimwo n'abahutu, uwavuza bakamuvugiriza induru bati ubwo nawe uri umwe muli bo ubaye nka benewanyu bakoze jenoside ikibazo cyawe ni ukukiga neza (kukiga neza bivuze kwiyambaza akamaro k'ifuni mu ishyamba no gukemura ikibazo cy'ubwinshi bw'abanyarwanda binyuze buhotozi). Erega akaga kabaho ubwo umuntu wahunze muli 1959 cyangwa muli 1973 akarugarukamo nyuma ya 1994 akaba agizwe interahamwe! Hari uwigeze kuvuga ngo mu Rwanda rwa Kagame akabi gasekwa nk'akeza! Maze umuntu nk'uwo w'intwari abamuzi bakamuhunga, bityo igice cy'abatutsi Kagame aba aragicecekesheje muli rusange, no kumurwanya biba inzozi mu zindi.
ABAHUTU
Abahutu rero bo FPR ya Kagame yabigirijeho nkana. Icya mbere yeretse amahanga ko abahutu bamaze abantu, ko bishe abatutsi kandi koko ali nabyo, aliko ntiyashimangira ko atari bose ngo abigaragaze cyane ku buryo bimenywa na buli wese haba hanze y'igihugu cyangwa se imbere mu gihugu, maze ategereza kubanza kumara imbaga y'abahutu batagira ingano kugira ngo atangire agaragaze ko bose batishe, nabwo mu buryo bwo kubareshya ngo badasakuza. Maze muli ubwo burangare bwa bose na nyuma yo kwereka isi ko yahagaritse jenoside ko FPR nta bwicanyi bwayiturukaho, maze si ukwirara mu bahutu irarimbagura karahava. Uko amahanga ahugiye mu gucira abahutu ho iteka no kwemeza inyito ikwiye ubwicanyi bwakorewe abatutsi, niko Kagame n'ingabo ze bunyuguza ikitwa umuhutu cyose mu nzira yabo no mu gihugu hose aho bamaraga gufata na nyuma yo gufata igihugu.
Nguko uko abahutu b'inzirakarengane bo mu cyahoze ari Byumba, bashiriye ku icumu, nako bashiriye ku gafuni, ab'i Kibungo, Bugesera, Butare na Gikongoro, mu majyaruguru Ruhengeri na Gisenyi, Kigali y'umujyi na Kigali ngari, n'ahandi. Kigali imaze gufatwa n'u Rwanda rwose rumaze kuba urw'Inkotanyi, FPR yikanga abacengezi maze yahuka mu bahutu ba Gisenyi na Ruhengeri irarimbagura, urokotse akaza ayikomera amashyi cyane agira ati n'ubundi Kagame ni umubyeyi, kugira ngo arore ko yaramuka! Ubu se twirirwe tuvuga n'abahutu batikiriye i Kibeho mu cyo abanyarwanda baje guhimba akazina ka « Operation-Ibingira.com »? Hari utayizi se? Ubundi umuhutu mwiza kuli FPR ahinduka wawundi wiyemeza gukoma yombi no kuvuga ko nta bahutu bapfuye mu gihugu, ndetse Kagame akamugororera umwanya mwiza mu butegetsi bwe, imodoka y'igiciro yiyongeraho indi nkayo buri myaka ine, n'ibindi.
Arongera abateranya n'abatutsi bo mu rwanda ababwira ko alibo banzi babo babazira, ko w enta n'icyo bapfa kandi amaze kubarimagura! Kagame yatinyaga ko umunsi bazamuye ijwi batabaza bakanagaragaza ukuri ndetse n'abatutsi muri rusange bakungamo bakakagaragaza ubugome bwe, icyo gihe kazaba kabaye adashobora kuzabirokoka. Ni uko yereka abo bahutu ko batagomba gutega ugutwi uwaza ababwira wese ko ingoma ya Kagame ari mbi, ko uwo aba ashaka kubayobya no kubakururira kurimbuka. Ikindi FPR yakoze ni ugushyiraho ingando zo gukuriramo umutima abantu no kubahanagura mu bwonko. Ubwo umuhutu ushaka guhakwa akerekana ko we nta kibazo ko na benewabo atari inkotanyi zabishe kandi ko ntaho ahuriye n'abanze gutahuka ngo babyinire Kagame na FPR. Ubwo abahutu muri rusange nabo Kagame aba arabacecekesheje da!
Ubundi akwiza iterabwoba mu gihugu karahava, buri muntu mu kwigura atangira kwamamaza ko igihugu kiyobowe neza, ubivuguruje yifuza kugaragaza ukuri akameneka umutwe. Ibi Kagame yabigezeho cyane cyane afunga umunwa w'abanyamakuru akoresheje ubuhotozi n'ubutabera yagize ingaruzwamuheto buca imanza bugendeye ku mabwiriza aturutse i Bukuru. Kagame yanarwanyije ubwiyunge nyakuri hagati y'abahutu n'abatutsi bo mu rwanda, kudatinya ko umunsi basobanukiwe bakishyira hamwe bakamubaza ibibi yabakoreye atazabakira, bazazana ingufu zizamuhirika byanze bikunze. Nawe abarusha ubwenge igihe kirekire akomeza kubateranya mu buriganya bwinshi butoroshye kuvumbura. Gusa uyu mutwe utangiye kumupfubana kuko abahutu n'abatutsi benshi cyane bamaze kuwuvumbura.
KU BANYAMAHANGA
Abanyamahanga bo FPR yabanje kubereka ko jenoside yabaye barebera maze ikaza kuyihagarikira yo n'ingabo zayo z'inkotanyi, naho ntibakamenye ko Kagame aliwe nyirabayazana! Ni akumiro! Ubwo ibihugu by'ibihangange ku isi bitangira kwishinja maze ibyaha bya FPR biracecekwa bigirwa ibanga rikomeye. Kagame yongeraho agahimbazamusyi ko kubashimira kutamushinja abereka ko anabafatiye runini mu busahuzi bw'amabuye y'agaciro ya Congo (RDC). Ni uko agatera Congo, abazungu bagacukura mu mutuzo ali nako banyuza umuhigo mu Rwanda, Kagame nawe akiyibira ku ruhande rwe akanica imbaga y'inzirakarengane z'abanyekongo n'abanyarwanda ntacyo yikanga. Nguko uko amahanga yose yaje kwamamaza ko FPR ari iya mbere mu byiza, akanirengagiza ubugome bukabije n'ingoyi y'igitugu kivanze n'iterabwoba FPR itegekesha abanyarwanda.
Muli aka kanya rero, nyuma yo gukora icyo nakwita exploration chirurgicale y'uko ibintu byifashe cyane cyane ku byerekeye uburiganya n'umutwe FPR-Inkotanyi yakomeje gukoresha no gutekera abanyarwanda kugirango ikomeze kwizimba ku butegetsi no kugirira nabi abahutu n'abatutsi n'abatwa, ndetse ikagerekaho no kwitwara nk'agatsiko k'amabandi adafite uburere ntagira n'ikinyabupfura mu mvugo kubera ubwirasi n'ubwiyemezi bukabije, reka twigarukire ku ngingo nyamukuru ali nayo igize umutwe w'iyi nyandiko, aho nemeza ko ingoma ya Kagame na FPR igeze aharindimuka ku nkombe z'inyanja y'amazi abira kandi inzira isubira inyuma ikaba ifunze na burundu, igisigaye ari ukwirunduriramwo cyangwa se kurundurirwamwo n'imbaraga ziturutse mu kababaro n'agahinda kenshi cyane kamaze gushengura imitima y'abanyarwanda bose, abahutu, abatutsi n'abatwa, kubera ingoyi n'ubugomebayoboreshwa na leta y'igitugu.
Ndabisubiramo rero neza ko inzira isubira inyuma kuli FPR na Kagame ifunze kuko umutwe FPR yatetse muli iyi myaka yose ishize warangije gupfuba, abahutu n'abatutsi bakaba barawuvumbuye ari benshi cyane. Dore umutwe wo kubateranya no kubabuza kwegerana ubuziraherezo Kagame yakomeje kubatekera barangije kuwurabukwa, kandi barangije kuva hasi no guhagurukira hamwe ngo bamwereke uko intama zambarwa. Dore ingoma ya Kagame na FPR yakomeje gukangisha abatutsi n'abahutu ko akazavuga izakamena kubera ko aliyo ifite ingabo yonyine. Yakomeje kwitwaza ibyabaye mu mateka ya vuba maze yandagaza FDLR iyomekaho jenoside no kwitwa ingabo z'abajenosideri, birayihira ubwo birafata kuli benshi maze isura mbi FDLR irayambikwa ku buryo ihinduka igicibwa, ni uko ku rundi ruhande FPR ikomeza gukoresha umutwe n'amayeri y'uburiganya tumaze kugaragaza maze ibasha gucecekesha abanyarwanda bose ku gahato. Ibi byose ibikora ibereka ko ntaopposition ishobora kuyivuga kuko ingabo zayo z'inkotanyi zikaze cyane kandi amashyaka ayirwanya yose akaba ari amagambo gusa atagira ingufu zifatika, ko uwakwitera hejuru yapfa nta nkurikizi, kabona n'iyo yaba afite ukuri kungana iki ashakira n'abanyarwanda icyiza.
Koko kandi yarabateranyije bose, amashyaka nayo agacikamo ibice uko bwije uko bucyeye abayagize bakitandukanya n'abandi nta cyerekezo gihamye, abahutu bagashyikirana bigoye cyane n'abatutsi cyangwa se ntibanashyikirane rwose, maze Kagame aho yibereye agakomeza kwicinya icyara ko ali abahutu ali n'abatutsi bose yabarindagije. Hanyuma hagira abahutu bashyigikira FDLR ngo barebe ko yahangara FPR ku ruhembe rw'umuheto, abo nabo Kagame akabakomatanyiriza hamwe na FDLR akabita abajenosideri, maze intero ikikirizwa n'amahanga akamufasha kubarwanya. Abatutsi nabo kugeza ubu usanga nta uratinyuka kuba yahaguruka ngo afate intwaro arwanye Inkotanyi, kuko kubera bwa buriganya na ya Turufu ya Kagame, abahutu bashobora kumubonamo umwanzi kandi nawe akagwa mu mutego akabirinda ababonamo abanzi, bityo inkozi z'ibibi Kagame na FPR bakahungukira, bagakomeza kurya bemye banishongora kuli rubanda rwishwe n'inzara, n'agahiri n'agahinda.
Igishimishije muli ibi byose ni uko Ibuye Ryagaragaye riba ritakishe isuka. Ubu iturufu ya Kagame na FPR yaravumbuwe, ubu abatutsi n'abahutu twarangije kumuvumbura wese, ububi bwe tubuzi bwose, none dushyize hamwe turi benshi nubwo hari abatarakanguka FPR ikiboheye mu buriganya bwayo bwarenze igihe. Ubu umubare w'abamaze kwiyemeza gutera intambwe ikomeye mu kwegerana n'ababo badahuje ubwoko umaze kuba munini cyane ku buryo Kagame na FPR batari bubirokoke.
Ubu igihe cyageze ngo abarwanya ubutegetsi bwa FPR bo mu moko yose y'abanyarwanda batangire baganire kandi bagire ibyo bemeranyaho n'ibyo bahurizaho mu rwego rwo kuvanaho burundu iterabwoba rya FPR-Inkotanyi. Ndetse byamaze kugaragarira buri wese ko aho ibintu bigeze FPR yasuzuguye bikabije abatavuga rumwe nayo kandi yavuniye ibiti mu matwi ku buryo yumva ntawe ishaka kuganira nawe kuko ikangisha ingufu za gisilikari. Ku buryo igisigaye kugira ngo habeho guhesha agaciro no gushyigikira abaharanira impinduka mu Rwanda, ali ukwereka FPR-Inkotanyi ko na Nyina w'undi abyara umuhungu.
Igikenewe uyu munsi, kugirango abanyarwanda basubizwe icyubahiro bambuwe ku bw'ingoyi ya FPR-Inkotanyi, ni Ugufata Umuheto no Kwambarira Urugamba, maze abahungu n'abakobwa b'abatutsi, abahutu n'abatwa bose hamwe bagatabara, ababyeyi bagafata iry'iburyo. Iyi niyo nzira igiye gutuma abasore n'inkumi b'abanyarwanda bava mu moko yose bazimya burundu amarere n'agasuzuguro bya FPR-Inkotanyi.
Hanyuma FPR-Inkotanyi nimara kwigizwayo, amashyaka yose hamwe n'abanyapolitiki muli rusange bicare batuje, bigire hamwe kandi bagene uburyo burambye u Rwanda rugomba kuyoborwamo, cyane cyane hirindwa ko Igisilikari cy'Igihugu cyakongera kwivanga mu mirimo itakireba cyangwa se gukorera inyungu z'ishyaka rimwe gusa, iz'agatsiko runaka cyangwa se iz'umuntu umwe ku giti cye. Ibyo ntibigasubire mu Rwanda rw'abanyarwanda. Mwa bahutu mwe, mwa batutsi mwe, mwa batwa mwe, nimucyo Dukomere ku Muheto maze mwirebere ko AKabuze kataboneka mu Kanya nk'Ako Guhumbya.
Nshoje iyi nyandiko ndirira abanyarwanda b'amoko yose bahitanywe n'amahano menshi yagwiririye igihugu cyacu, aya vuba akaba ari ubwicanyi bwo ku ngoma ya MRND n'iya FPR-Inkotanyi yayisumbije ubunyamaswa ikaba imaze guhitana imbaga itabarika y'abanyarwanda n'abanyamahanga; nshoje kandi nihanganisha abari mu munyururu bose bazira guharanira inyungu z'abanyarwanda bose n'iz'igihugu cyose, ndetse n'abaheze mu buhunzi kubera ingoyi y'ubugome, iy'inda nini n'iy'ubwicanyi FPR-Inkotanyi ikomeje kunigisha abanyarwanda; nshoje nanone nshishikariza kudacika intege uwo ariwe wese waba ari gukora icyo ashoboye cyose, cyaba kigaragara cyangwa se kitagaragara, ngo ashyigikire icyatuma akaga u Rwanda n'abanyarwanda bagotewemo karangira byihuse.
Murakoze tuli kumwe.
Ubahoza ku mutima kandi wiyemeje kurwana urugamba rwo GUHUZIMITIMA.
Clair Sanga / sangaclair@yahoo.com /
Rwanda in Liberation Process
Ubwanditsi

Wednesday, 16 January 2013

INGABIRE landmark: Today 3 years in Rwanda since 16 January 2010


INGABIRE landmark: Today 3 years in Rwanda since 16 January 2010


By Sixbert Musangamfura
Delegate in Charge of External Relations
FDU-Inkingi Coordinating Committee
January 16, 2013




Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza is our hero, our eternal call for freedom. Since her return to the homeland 3 years ago on 16 January 2010, she has exposed the hidden history of the country, the history of new slavery, discrimination, the plight of second class citizens, the bondage, serfdom and the empire of fear, the silent fate of thousands of Rwandans, the lack of political space and the fist of a ruthless dictatorship. Paul Kagame, will never be the same again. The tyrant is revealed naked, counting his friends, his sycophants and his days. The platform of the opposition (FDU-Inkingi and RNC) will leave no stone unturned until the Rwandan Saddam, the slave driver, the negus, is toppled and brought to book. Happy 3 rd anniversary to FDU Inkingi in Rwanda.

Some Related Stories:


Victoire Ingabire: The Woman who is Making the Rwandan Dictatorship Tremble



INGABIRE landmark: Today 3 years in Rwanda since 16 January 2010


INGABIRE landmark: Today 3 years in Rwanda since 16 January 2010


By Sixbert Musangamfura
Delegate in Charge of External Relations
FDU-Inkingi Coordinating Committee
January 16, 2013




Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza is our hero, our eternal call for freedom. Since her return to the homeland 3 years ago on 16 January 2010, she has exposed the hidden history of the country, the history of new slavery, discrimination, the plight of second class citizens, the bondage, serfdom and the empire of fear, the silent fate of thousands of Rwandans, the lack of political space and the fist of a ruthless dictatorship. Paul Kagame, will never be the same again. The tyrant is revealed naked, counting his friends, his sycophants and his days. The platform of the opposition (FDU-Inkingi and RNC) will leave no stone unturned until the Rwandan Saddam, the slave driver, the negus, is toppled and brought to book. Happy 3 rd anniversary to FDU Inkingi in Rwanda.

Some Related Stories:


Victoire Ingabire: The Woman who is Making the Rwandan Dictatorship Tremble



Stateless: When Nothing has Changed; Scott Erlinder documentary explains the challenges many refugees will face.


 

Jan-15-2013 21:17printcomments

Stateless: When Nothing has Changed

Scott Erlinder documentary explains the challenges many refugees will face.

(WASHINGTON DC) - In June 2013 the UNHCR has determined that the Cessation clause for Rwanda shall be invoked on all refugees living outside of Rwanda. In order to invoke this clause it has to be determined that the reasons people fled a country no longer exist.

Scott Erlinder

For example, in 1959 thousands fled an oppressive regime when the monarchy was abolished due for fear of being killed for their ethnicity.  The same thing happened again during other country wide uprisings and ethnic domination's. The most recent case is that of the 1994 Rwandan Genocide.

According to UNHCR in 2011 over 115,000 Rwandan refugees remain outside of the country and many continue to flee daily due to the oppressive conditions that remain despite the UNHCR declaration that these situations don't exist.

While the immediate threat of being killed in genocide may not be a present threat there are many other reasons people continue to flee that the UNHCR is ignoring despite the piles of reports documenting the human rights violations that continue daily inside Rwanda.

Rwanda is second only to Uganda in their pursuit to bring refugees home. On the surface, to many non-refugees, this move may appear positive and hopeful but to the many refugees who fled persecution and death this move is quite unsettling.

The majority of the developed world will never know what life is like as a refugee. Many have been imprisoned for no legal reason upon arrival in safe-haven countries prior to being able to obtain refuge. Some have been held in jails for up to a year without just cause. For refugees, the term "guilty until proven innocent" is a common experience. 

One refugee told this writer that being a refugee often feels like being no better than a used piece of toilet paper. While these emotions may beg the question "why not go home"?  In Rwanda, however, this question is a complex set of deadly and problematic circumstances that history has proven over and over again.

In a recent documentary on this cessation clause, Scott Erlinder explains what is happening with this clause and the challenges many refugees will face.

In a one on one interview, Mr. Erlinder answers some questions about his film:

JF: What prompted you to make this documentary?

Peter Erlinder

SE: I was in the middle of a project to send cameras to indigenous people and refugees to let them tell their stories and give them a voice.  Some of these stories came from Rwanda refugees.

As you and some of your readers know, my brother, Peter Erlinder, was deeply involved with defending people accused of Genocide and war crimes with the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda.

Over time I had heard his stories and was interested in the progress of the trials, but when the Rwandan government arrested my brother, obviously this got a bit personal. I wanted to know what my brother had done to be branded a "Genocide Denier", which I never heard him say.

While we were not close, I did know of his great work defending those who the "system" had marginalized- be it in the US or at the ICTR.

As more and more testimonies came in from the refugees, along with what my research was telling about the Rwandan government of Paul Kagame, it became clear that not only  did the refugees have well founded fears, but that the numerous attempts by the UNHCR and many host states to implement repatriation of the refugees had been consistently ill planned.

JF: How has it been received by the public?

SE: The response has been great! The film is in pre-release and is 99% done. We wanted to get the film's message out as soon as possible, so we did the pre-release. The content is all there for the viewer, we're just cleaning it up a bit for broadcast. There are a lot of "techy" things they require.

JF: Did you face any obstacles or dangers while covering such a sensitive subject?

SE: Personally, I didn't have any dangers; the people who did are all the intrepid refugees that risked a lot to get the footage to make the film. I just helped them along with training and the final story and edit. Obviously, production took a while because of the Africa-America connection, but instead of  being a "helicopter documentary", where one flies in for a week or two, shoots and leaves, I felt the approach of the letting the refugees have the say was a better approach.

JF: Has there been any negative impact toward anyone featured in the film since its release?

SE: Actually, no, I haven't heard anything as of yet.  We didn't proclaim anything that was not documented on the net or by the UNHCR.

JF: With Rwanda being, basically a police state, how were you able to get footage inside Rwanda?

SE: There were many people who got us this footage. Some were Rwandans, some were visitors. Obviously you just don't go and plunk down a camera anywhere you want, but the more people that submitted footage, the more we were able to craft the film.  Sometimes it's that one surreptitious shot that says it all.  Also, the miniaturization of cameras has made this possible.  Technology is neutral, how you use it isn't.  The Rwandan government has been very good about using it to their benefit, so I helped the refugees fight back in other ways.

JF: I understand that after you published the documentary one of the featured interviewee's asked that her interview be removed from the piece. What happened and why did she request this?

SE: I have to say we made one major rookie mistake. In the rush to get the film out, my editors misnamed a person. She also stated we misplaced her story in the "timeline" of the film.  The name was certainly a mistake, though I felt the part of her interview we used was not exactly out of place, I deferred to her wishes and removed her from the film at her request. It didn't change the fundamental story at all.

JF: Making any film is a learning process. What did you learn from making this film?

SE: Wow, that's a big area to cover…I learned, even more than ever, the power of getting people to talk on camera. It's hard to deny a video interview.  The down side of this, as far as those under threat, is now they know who you are and what you said.  Over the time it took to make the film, many refugees were attacked, some murdered (like journalist Charles Ingabire) and it takes a lot of guts to do what they did, given the possible consequences.

Regarding the issues in the film, I learned that the UNHCR on the ground level is not always a noble entity. This can be true of any organization (MONUSCO could be pointed to as well). There are ideals and then implementation and implementation depends on the character of those involved.  There are a lot of great people working for the UNHCR but there are those that do take advantage. I don't blame the organization, we need the UNHCR, I do blame some of those who create policy.

Also I learned that politics, not compassionate humane decisions drive many of the countries decisions to return the refugees.

JF: What started the process of invoking the cessation clause of Rwandan Refugees and why is this now an issue?

SE: Rwanda has been very proactive on trying to get refugees to go back since 2003. Some of these refugees have been outside the country since the 1959 independence some have been there since the Genocide.

The refugees feel this first implementation of the clause, which will affect those outside the country from 1959 to 1998, is a "nibble" approach and that further implementations will occur since this one may set a precedent.

The fact of the matter is that many Rwandans are leaving the country for both political and economic reasons. These are tied together. Don't agree with the politics? You get no support or even have further persecutions placed on you. And this is not an ethnicity issue- both Hutu and Tutsi Rwandans are affected.

We didn't want to bring up ethnicity very much in the film because we are for all Rwandans to have peace and equality. The only place we DID do this was in reference to the amendment to the constitution, done in 2008, which specifically mentions ethnicity. This seems to be contradictory to the pronouncements of the Rwandan government which has outlawed ethnicity.

JF: What indicators have the UNHCR used to determine that there is no threat in Rwanda anymore and it is safe to return home?

SE: This is a very good question, and one I don't have any precise answer for. It was also the reason for doing the film. Anyone doing a little research can see that while economic developments are touted, human rights have not, in UNHCR speak, been manifest into "permanent and durable solutions".  If you just look at the events surrounding the 2010 elections, this becomes obvious. Murder, intimidation, arrests, etc. It's all there for the UNHCR to see.

JF: Is this a replay of what happened during the final years of Habyarimana's regime?

SE: I don't think this is a replay of the Habyarimana regime. I would think you could call it a new "variation". While the Habyarimana regime was certainly repressive, we forget that it was not only repressive to Tutsi, it was repressive to Hutu in the south, so it was it's own "clique".  People tend to think that Hutu and Tutsi were equal numbers in the population, but they were/are not.  The proportion of Tutsi is about the same as the African American population to the Caucasian population in the US. (15-17%)

What has happened in Rwanda is a very small portion of Tutsi refugees, raised in Uganda since independence, have control of all the levels of government. They discriminate against their own kind because they may not agree with them- Deo Mushaydi, imprisoned for life, is a perfect example or Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa.  The list grows day by day.

Where there is a similarity is in the increased tensions in the country and a new diaspora of Rwandans just like what happened in 1959.  The cutting off aid to Rwanda could be called a similarity. We, the world, have to be very careful that we don't create a "perfect storm" of economic problems that helped push the country to conflict like it did in 1990- which ultimately led to the Genocide. This does not, however, mean we, the world, have to put up with a repressive government so we have "stability".

Stateless No 2 from Scott Erlinder on Vimeo.

The one big difference right now is that you have Rwandans who do not want to go back. This is a fundamental difference from the RPF history that said they wanted to return to their homeland and who invaded in 1990 to create a democracy and equality.

JF: What can people who watch this documentary do to help stop the invocation of the cessation clause?

SE: The main thing people can do is to write to the UNHCR,


UNHCR is based in Geneva, Switzerland.
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
Case Postale 2500
CH-1211 Genève 2 Dépôt
Suisse.

telephone number:
+41 22 739 8111 (automatic switchboard)
fax number:
+41 22 739 7377

 People can also sign the petition we put a link to on the site for the film:
 

_________________________________

Jennifer Fierberg is a social worker in the US working on peace and justice issues in Africa with an emphasis on the crisis in Rwanda and throughout the central region of Africa. Her articles have been published on many humanitarian sites that are also focused on changing the world through social, political and personal action.

Jennifer has extensive background working with victims of trauma and domestic violence, justice matters as well as individual and family therapy. Passionate and focused on bringing the many humanitarian issues that plague the African Continent to the awareness of the developed world in order to incite change. She is a correspondent, Assistant Editor, and Volunteer Coordinator for NGO News Africa through the volunteer project of the UN. Jennifer was also the media co-coordinator and senior funding executive for The Africa Global Village. You can write to Jennifer atjfierberg@ymail.com. Jennifer comes to www.Salem-News.com with a great deal of experience and passion for working to stop human right violation in Africa.

________________________________________
 

Stateless: When Nothing has Changed; Scott Erlinder documentary explains the challenges many refugees will face.


 

Jan-15-2013 21:17printcomments

Stateless: When Nothing has Changed

Scott Erlinder documentary explains the challenges many refugees will face.

(WASHINGTON DC) - In June 2013 the UNHCR has determined that the Cessation clause for Rwanda shall be invoked on all refugees living outside of Rwanda. In order to invoke this clause it has to be determined that the reasons people fled a country no longer exist.

Scott Erlinder

For example, in 1959 thousands fled an oppressive regime when the monarchy was abolished due for fear of being killed for their ethnicity.  The same thing happened again during other country wide uprisings and ethnic domination's. The most recent case is that of the 1994 Rwandan Genocide.

According to UNHCR in 2011 over 115,000 Rwandan refugees remain outside of the country and many continue to flee daily due to the oppressive conditions that remain despite the UNHCR declaration that these situations don't exist.

While the immediate threat of being killed in genocide may not be a present threat there are many other reasons people continue to flee that the UNHCR is ignoring despite the piles of reports documenting the human rights violations that continue daily inside Rwanda.

Rwanda is second only to Uganda in their pursuit to bring refugees home. On the surface, to many non-refugees, this move may appear positive and hopeful but to the many refugees who fled persecution and death this move is quite unsettling.

The majority of the developed world will never know what life is like as a refugee. Many have been imprisoned for no legal reason upon arrival in safe-haven countries prior to being able to obtain refuge. Some have been held in jails for up to a year without just cause. For refugees, the term "guilty until proven innocent" is a common experience. 

One refugee told this writer that being a refugee often feels like being no better than a used piece of toilet paper. While these emotions may beg the question "why not go home"?  In Rwanda, however, this question is a complex set of deadly and problematic circumstances that history has proven over and over again.

In a recent documentary on this cessation clause, Scott Erlinder explains what is happening with this clause and the challenges many refugees will face.

In a one on one interview, Mr. Erlinder answers some questions about his film:

JF: What prompted you to make this documentary?

Peter Erlinder

SE: I was in the middle of a project to send cameras to indigenous people and refugees to let them tell their stories and give them a voice.  Some of these stories came from Rwanda refugees.

As you and some of your readers know, my brother, Peter Erlinder, was deeply involved with defending people accused of Genocide and war crimes with the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda.

Over time I had heard his stories and was interested in the progress of the trials, but when the Rwandan government arrested my brother, obviously this got a bit personal. I wanted to know what my brother had done to be branded a "Genocide Denier", which I never heard him say.

While we were not close, I did know of his great work defending those who the "system" had marginalized- be it in the US or at the ICTR.

As more and more testimonies came in from the refugees, along with what my research was telling about the Rwandan government of Paul Kagame, it became clear that not only  did the refugees have well founded fears, but that the numerous attempts by the UNHCR and many host states to implement repatriation of the refugees had been consistently ill planned.

JF: How has it been received by the public?

SE: The response has been great! The film is in pre-release and is 99% done. We wanted to get the film's message out as soon as possible, so we did the pre-release. The content is all there for the viewer, we're just cleaning it up a bit for broadcast. There are a lot of "techy" things they require.

JF: Did you face any obstacles or dangers while covering such a sensitive subject?

SE: Personally, I didn't have any dangers; the people who did are all the intrepid refugees that risked a lot to get the footage to make the film. I just helped them along with training and the final story and edit. Obviously, production took a while because of the Africa-America connection, but instead of  being a "helicopter documentary", where one flies in for a week or two, shoots and leaves, I felt the approach of the letting the refugees have the say was a better approach.

JF: Has there been any negative impact toward anyone featured in the film since its release?

SE: Actually, no, I haven't heard anything as of yet.  We didn't proclaim anything that was not documented on the net or by the UNHCR.

JF: With Rwanda being, basically a police state, how were you able to get footage inside Rwanda?

SE: There were many people who got us this footage. Some were Rwandans, some were visitors. Obviously you just don't go and plunk down a camera anywhere you want, but the more people that submitted footage, the more we were able to craft the film.  Sometimes it's that one surreptitious shot that says it all.  Also, the miniaturization of cameras has made this possible.  Technology is neutral, how you use it isn't.  The Rwandan government has been very good about using it to their benefit, so I helped the refugees fight back in other ways.

JF: I understand that after you published the documentary one of the featured interviewee's asked that her interview be removed from the piece. What happened and why did she request this?

SE: I have to say we made one major rookie mistake. In the rush to get the film out, my editors misnamed a person. She also stated we misplaced her story in the "timeline" of the film.  The name was certainly a mistake, though I felt the part of her interview we used was not exactly out of place, I deferred to her wishes and removed her from the film at her request. It didn't change the fundamental story at all.

JF: Making any film is a learning process. What did you learn from making this film?

SE: Wow, that's a big area to cover…I learned, even more than ever, the power of getting people to talk on camera. It's hard to deny a video interview.  The down side of this, as far as those under threat, is now they know who you are and what you said.  Over the time it took to make the film, many refugees were attacked, some murdered (like journalist Charles Ingabire) and it takes a lot of guts to do what they did, given the possible consequences.

Regarding the issues in the film, I learned that the UNHCR on the ground level is not always a noble entity. This can be true of any organization (MONUSCO could be pointed to as well). There are ideals and then implementation and implementation depends on the character of those involved.  There are a lot of great people working for the UNHCR but there are those that do take advantage. I don't blame the organization, we need the UNHCR, I do blame some of those who create policy.

Also I learned that politics, not compassionate humane decisions drive many of the countries decisions to return the refugees.

JF: What started the process of invoking the cessation clause of Rwandan Refugees and why is this now an issue?

SE: Rwanda has been very proactive on trying to get refugees to go back since 2003. Some of these refugees have been outside the country since the 1959 independence some have been there since the Genocide.

The refugees feel this first implementation of the clause, which will affect those outside the country from 1959 to 1998, is a "nibble" approach and that further implementations will occur since this one may set a precedent.

The fact of the matter is that many Rwandans are leaving the country for both political and economic reasons. These are tied together. Don't agree with the politics? You get no support or even have further persecutions placed on you. And this is not an ethnicity issue- both Hutu and Tutsi Rwandans are affected.

We didn't want to bring up ethnicity very much in the film because we are for all Rwandans to have peace and equality. The only place we DID do this was in reference to the amendment to the constitution, done in 2008, which specifically mentions ethnicity. This seems to be contradictory to the pronouncements of the Rwandan government which has outlawed ethnicity.

JF: What indicators have the UNHCR used to determine that there is no threat in Rwanda anymore and it is safe to return home?

SE: This is a very good question, and one I don't have any precise answer for. It was also the reason for doing the film. Anyone doing a little research can see that while economic developments are touted, human rights have not, in UNHCR speak, been manifest into "permanent and durable solutions".  If you just look at the events surrounding the 2010 elections, this becomes obvious. Murder, intimidation, arrests, etc. It's all there for the UNHCR to see.

JF: Is this a replay of what happened during the final years of Habyarimana's regime?

SE: I don't think this is a replay of the Habyarimana regime. I would think you could call it a new "variation". While the Habyarimana regime was certainly repressive, we forget that it was not only repressive to Tutsi, it was repressive to Hutu in the south, so it was it's own "clique".  People tend to think that Hutu and Tutsi were equal numbers in the population, but they were/are not.  The proportion of Tutsi is about the same as the African American population to the Caucasian population in the US. (15-17%)

What has happened in Rwanda is a very small portion of Tutsi refugees, raised in Uganda since independence, have control of all the levels of government. They discriminate against their own kind because they may not agree with them- Deo Mushaydi, imprisoned for life, is a perfect example or Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa.  The list grows day by day.

Where there is a similarity is in the increased tensions in the country and a new diaspora of Rwandans just like what happened in 1959.  The cutting off aid to Rwanda could be called a similarity. We, the world, have to be very careful that we don't create a "perfect storm" of economic problems that helped push the country to conflict like it did in 1990- which ultimately led to the Genocide. This does not, however, mean we, the world, have to put up with a repressive government so we have "stability".

Stateless No 2 from Scott Erlinder on Vimeo.

The one big difference right now is that you have Rwandans who do not want to go back. This is a fundamental difference from the RPF history that said they wanted to return to their homeland and who invaded in 1990 to create a democracy and equality.

JF: What can people who watch this documentary do to help stop the invocation of the cessation clause?

SE: The main thing people can do is to write to the UNHCR,


UNHCR is based in Geneva, Switzerland.
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
Case Postale 2500
CH-1211 Genève 2 Dépôt
Suisse.

telephone number:
+41 22 739 8111 (automatic switchboard)
fax number:
+41 22 739 7377

 People can also sign the petition we put a link to on the site for the film:
 

_________________________________

Jennifer Fierberg is a social worker in the US working on peace and justice issues in Africa with an emphasis on the crisis in Rwanda and throughout the central region of Africa. Her articles have been published on many humanitarian sites that are also focused on changing the world through social, political and personal action.

Jennifer has extensive background working with victims of trauma and domestic violence, justice matters as well as individual and family therapy. Passionate and focused on bringing the many humanitarian issues that plague the African Continent to the awareness of the developed world in order to incite change. She is a correspondent, Assistant Editor, and Volunteer Coordinator for NGO News Africa through the volunteer project of the UN. Jennifer was also the media co-coordinator and senior funding executive for The Africa Global Village. You can write to Jennifer atjfierberg@ymail.com. Jennifer comes to www.Salem-News.com with a great deal of experience and passion for working to stop human right violation in Africa.

________________________________________
 

-“The root cause of the Rwandan tragedy of 1994 is the long and past historical ethnic dominance of one minority ethnic group to the other majority ethnic group. Ignoring this reality is giving a black cheque for the Rwandan people’s future and deepening resentment, hostility and hatred between the two groups.”

-« Ce dont j’ai le plus peur, c’est des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre ».

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

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