--- On Fri, 11/9/12, Célestin Karambizi <c.karambizi@yahoo.de> wrote:
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Friday, 9 November 2012
Pétition pour la RDC
Que peut-faire l’Afrique pour Obama ?
http://nkbnkb.wordpress.com/2012/11/08/que-peut-faire-lafrique-pour-obama/Que peut-faire l'Afrique pour Obama ?Rate This Pour paraphraser John Fitzgerald Kennedy, qui invitait les jeunes à se demander ce qu'ils peuvent faire pour leur pays plutôt que l'inverse, nous les Africains devrions arrêter de faire la liste de ce qu'Obama n'a pas fait pour l'Afrique et à la place nous demander ce que nous pouvons faire pour nous même qui irait dans le sens de ce qu'Obama souhaite pour notre continent. Un seul mot résume tout ce nous devons faire pour sortir de notre situation peu enviable de dernier de la classe mondiale : organisation. Les quelques pays du continent qui se démarquent des autres en terme de développement réel autrement que par de la croissance en terme des pourcentage dans des statistiques aussi virtuelles que globalisantes n'ont fait ça que par s'ORGANISER. Qu'il s'agissent du Ghana, du Rwanda, de l'Ouganda, de l'Île Maurice et du Cap Vert, leur démarrage n'a pas été rendu possible par l'exploitation effrénée de ressources naturelles massives mais par la gestion rigoureuse de ce qui était disponible, à savoir les femmes et les hommes et leur environnement. Deux d'entre ces pays, à savoir le Ghana et l'Ouganda ont maintenant aussi découvert du pétrole dans leur sous-sol et il faut espérer que cette manne ne pourrira pas ce qui a été déjà été réalisé. Si il y a bien quelque chose dont l'Afrique ne manque pas ce sont des ressources naturelles en abondance et à haute sur le marché international. Nos sociétés doivent s'organiser pour mieux gérer toute cette abondance qui est actuellement pillée et/ou gaspillée par d'autres ou par nous mêmes. Nos cousins américains, asiatiques, européens, et autres ne naissent pas avec des idées claires de l'organisation, de la gestion, de la discipline et de la rigueur; ils ne les ont pas dans leur gênes et ne les sucent pas du sein de leurs mères. Ils les apprennent en famille, puis à l'école maternelle et dans la suite dans les autres regroupements humains. Quand Barack Obama, l'Africain malgré lui, avait critiqué les hommes noirs irresponsables, il ne disait pas autre chose. Ça commence par soi-même, à la maison sinon ça finit en prison. Mais il est vrai que la tentation est forte de se laisser aller au népotisme, au tribalisme, au régionalisme ou au … laisser aller tout simplement pour ne pas s'attirer des ennuis, pour faire plaisir à la famille ou pour se faire plaisir à soi-même ! Et alors à demain la rigueur, l'éthique, la justice, l'équité, la discipline, etc. Ou à après demain ! Ne demandons plus rien rien à Obama, nous avons déjà tout ce qu'il nous faut ! NKB 09/11/2012 « Barack Obama est un Président Blanc en qui vous pouvez avoir confiance » (Message de Chris Rock aux électeurs Blancs) |
De Washington à Obama : ces présidents qui ont marqué les Etats-Unis
http://www.planet.fr/international-de-washington-a-obama-ces-presidents-qui-ont-marque-les-etats-unis.266304.29335.html?overview=1 International
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Thursday, 8 November 2012
UK: Relations with Rwanda must be urgently reviewed
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/nov/08/relations-rwanda-andrew-mitchell?INTCMP=SRCH
Relations with Rwanda must be urgently reviewed
Andrew Mitchell is being questioned after giving £8m to a state with rebel links. UK silence on human rights abuses must end
- guardian.co.uk, Thursday 8 November 2012 16.43 GMT
- Jump to comments (14)
Andrew Mitchell, ex-development secretary is being questioned on UK aid to Rwanda. Photograph: Reuters/Toru HanaiThe international development select committee (IDC) is today questioning Andrew Mitchell on his controversial decision to disburse £8m of UK budget support to the government of Rwanda, in his final hours as international development secretary and just six weeks after deciding to withhold this support, following allegations of Rwandan military backing for the M23 rebel group in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
Human Rights Watch has documented egregious and systematic human rights abuses by the M23 rebels in DRC over the last six months. The group is largely made up of soldiers who mutinied from the Congolese national army in late March and May 2012. Its senior commanders have a well-known history of serious abuses. They include General Bosco Ntaganda, who is wanted on two arrest warrants by the international criminal court for war crimes and crimes against humanity, and several other individuals involved in massacres and the recruitment of children to fight in eastern Congo.
Recent M23 abuses in eastern Congo include the deliberate killing of civilians, summary executions and rape. Among the cases we documented was that of an eight-year-old girl raped by M23 fighters. In another sickening case, a 32-year old woman in the village of Chengerero was gang raped by M23 fighters, who then poured fuel between her legs and set the fuel on fire. The M23 have also forcibly recruited civilians into their ranks and executed some who tried to flee. These abuses and those of other armed groups have contributed to the quickly deteriorating humanitarian situation in the region, with tens of thousands of people displaced by violence and fear.
Despite the Rwandan government's flat denials, Rwandan military support for the M23 has been significant throughout this period. During a visit toKigali at the end of last month, I raised the issue of Rwanda's role with the main donors and embassies. Not one of them disputed the Rwandan army's direct involvement. Human Rights Watch's research shows clearly that Rwandan troops have been deployed in support of M23 operations, that ordinary Rwandans, including children, have been forcibly recruited and sent to Congo to fight with the M23, and that Rwandan military officials have supplied them with arms and ammunition. These findings match those of the UN Group of Experts on Congo, as detailed in their June interim report and in their final report, which has yet to be published but whose conclusions have been extensively leaked.
This is the backdrop to Mitchell's announcement of 4 September that he would release half the delayed £16m of general budget support. He justified this on the basis that "Rwanda has engaged constructively with the peace process initiated through the International Conference on the Great Lakes region". But Human Rights Watch sees no evidence to support this positive assessment of Rwanda's role in eastern DRC or of its constructive engagement to resolve the regional crisis. On the contrary, Rwandan military support to the M23 was ongoing from late July to early September – that is throughout the period in which UK aid was withheld and then disbursed.
The decision to resume half the delayed UK aid to Rwanda appears to have been taken hurriedly, with limited internal discussion across Whitehall or with high commission and Department for International Development (DfID) staff in Rwanda. It may also have been taken against the advice of some UK officials, though publication of the advice could easily resolve that issue. From recent discussions with major donor governments to Rwanda, including embassies in Kigali, it is further apparent that there was little if any consultation with other governments in advance of this decision. Mitchell's decision is at odds with the position of the UK's main partners: none of the other European governments that suspended aid to Rwanda around the same time, and for the same reasons, have since chosen to resume it.
While the focus of the IDC inquiry is UK aid and Rwanda's role in DRC, there are wider questions to be asked about UK policy towards Rwanda. Since the genocide of 1994, Rwanda has made very substantial and welcome progress economically and against some key development indicators. But this cannot excuse or justify the highly repressive nature of the Rwandan government, its attacks on members of Rwandan opposition parties, the politicisation of the judiciary, the emasculation of Rwandan NGOs, civil society and independent journalists, or the use of ill-treatment and torture in unlawful detention centres. In their eagerness to celebrate Rwanda's "development success" UK ministers have been shamefully silent about these persistent human rights abuses.
This neglect of rights concerns is no longer tenable. The new international development secretary, Justine Greening, should make the protection and advancement of human rights a much more central focus of DfID policy towards Rwanda. Human rights do feature in the text of a recently revised Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed by DfID and the Rwandan government. But rights principles in previous MoUs have been largely ignored. This needs to change. DfID should also do more to support Rwandan civil society – those courageous Rwandan men and women pressing for reform and respect for basic freedoms from within the country, often at great personal risk to themselves. It should also reassess the appropriateness of general budget support for Rwanda and ensure that aid for Rwanda's poorest citizens and support for poverty reduction and development does not inadvertently entrench authoritarianism or repression.
--
-“The root cause of the Rwandan tragedy of 1994 is the long and past historical ethnic dominance of one minority ethnic group to the other majority ethnic group. Ignoring this reality is giving a black cheque for the Rwandan people’s future and deepening resentment, hostility and hatred between the two groups.”
-« Ce dont j’ai le plus peur, c’est des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre ».
-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”
-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”
-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”
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