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Tuesday, 19 January 2016

Offres d’emploi » Chargé de Communication

Offres d’emploi » Chargé de Communication

Link to EMPLOI ONG

Offres d’emploi » Chargé de Communication

Posted: 19 Jan 2016 09:04 AM PST

Offres d'emploi » Chargé de Communication et du projet des Point Focaux ONGI – RCA Description 1/. INTRODUCTION. Le Comité de Coordination des ONGI (CCO) est un espace visant à assurer/renforcer la coordination entre les ONG, le Gouvernement de la Républicaine Centrafricaine, les Nations Unies, les bailleurs et les partenaires externes concernant l'échange d'information, le […]

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Offres d’emploi » Appui technique Santé Maternelle & Infantile

Posted: 18 Jan 2016 04:14 PM PST

Offres d'emploi » RDC – Appui technique Santé Maternelle & Infantile Description Handicap International est une organisation de solidarité internationale indépendante et impartiale, qui intervient dans les situations de pauvreté et d'exclusion, de conflits et de catastrophes. Œuvrant aux côtés des personnes handicapées et des populations vulnérables, elle agit et témoigne, pour répondre à leurs […]

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Offres d’emploi » Un(e) Coordinateur/trice

Posted: 18 Jan 2016 04:10 PM PST

Offres d'emploi » Un(e) Coordinateur/trice Terrain Coyah en Guinée Description Première Urgence Internationale (PUI) est une Organisation Non Gouvernementale de solidarité internationale, à but non lucratif, apolitique et laïque. PUI se mobilise au quotidien pour couvrir les besoins fondamentaux des victimes civiles mises en péril, marginalisées ou exclues par les effets de catastrophes naturelles, de […]

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offres d’emploi » responsable de programme

Posted: 18 Jan 2016 04:04 PM PST

offres d'emploi » responsable de programme Description Oxfam Intermon est l'organisation globale pour le développement qui mobilise le pouvoir des personnes contre la pauvreté et qui a le pouvoir de changer des vies. Nous sommes une organisation activiste qui lutte contre l'injustice, la pauvreté et les inégalités et qui travaille sur les causes des problèmes. […]

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Offres d’emploi » Responsable d’activité Eau, Hygiène et Assainissement (H/F)

Posted: 18 Jan 2016 03:57 PM PST

Offres d'emploi » RDC- Responsable d'activité Eau, Hygiène et Assainissement (H/F) – Béni Description Date de rédaction : 18/01/16 Date de prise de fonction souhaitée : 01/04/2016 Durée de la mission : 12 mois Localisation : Béni – avec déplacements dans toutes les localités du Nord Kivu "La non-violence est une arme puissante et juste, […]

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offres d’emploi » Directeur(trice) general(e) adjoint(e) (h/f)

Posted: 18 Jan 2016 03:49 PM PST

offres d'emploi » msf france recrute son/sa directeur(trice) general(e) adjoint(e) (h/f) Description Médecins Sans Frontières, association médicale humanitaire internationale créée en 1971, apporte une assistance médicale à des populations dont la vie est menacée: principalement en cas de conflits armés, mais aussi d'épidémies, de pandémies, de catastrophes naturelles ou encore d'exclusion des soins. La section […]

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Offres d’emploi » Coordinateur Programme (H/F)

Posted: 18 Jan 2016 03:43 PM PST

Offres d'emploi » Cameroun – Coordinateur Programme (H/F) – Bertoua Description Date de rédaction : 18/01/16 Date de prise de fonction souhaitée : ASAP Durée de la mission : 5 Mois, renouvelable selon financements Localisation : Bertoua, Région de l'Est, Cameroun Que faisons-nous au Cameroun ? Depuis 2014, le Cameroun est confronté à une grave […]

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Offres d’emploi » Chargé des ressources humaines (H/F)

Posted: 18 Jan 2016 03:37 PM PST

Offres d'emploi » France – Chargé des ressources humaines nationales (H/F) Description Date de rédaction : 04/01/2016 Date de prise de poste souhaitée : Février 2016 Localisation : Clichy La Garenne "Seul, on va plus vite; ensemble, on va plus loin !" – Proverbe africain Qui sommes-nous? SOLIDARITES INTERNATIONAL (SI) est une association d'aide humanitaire […]

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Offres d’emploi » Aide-comptable/Gestion base de données/Assistant(e) administration

Posted: 18 Jan 2016 03:08 PM PST

Offres d'emploi » Aide-comptable/Gestion base de données/Assistant(e) administration foodwatch est une ONG indépendante qui mène des campagnes avec et pour les consommateurs, pour le droit à plus de transparence dans le secteur alimentaire et le droit à l'accès à une alimentation de qualité : http://www.foodwatch.fr Vous rejoignez une petite équipe en plein développement (4 personnes). […]

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offres d’emploi » responsable de communaute h/f

Posted: 18 Jan 2016 03:02 PM PST

offres d'emploi » responsable de communaute h/f – communauté emmaüs de bougival Description Inscrite avec 300 autres groupes dans le Mouvement Emmaüs national et international, la communauté est un espace d'accueil et d'actions solidaires où des compagnes, compagnons – hier exclus – des amis bénévoles et des salariés poursuivent ensemble le même but. Indépendantes financièrement, […]

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TR: [haguruka.com] Fw: *DHR* Radio Inkingi: Hatowe itegeko rigamije guhuguza imitungo y'abatavuga rumwe n'ubutegetsi bari hanze, Innocent Twagiramungu na Dr. Innocent Biruka

 

Nyamara ibi birasanzwe, ntagitangaza kilimo. Mutwemerere tubahe urwenya, kuko gutebya bitaciwe:

Ubutegetsi-cyami buguye, abahunze ibyabo byagabiwe abandi: urugero ni imisozi ya Sahaha, Verediyana Bisalinkumi, etc.  

Republika ya mbere ivuyeho, inzu ya Kanani yahindutse inzu ya parki mu Ruhengeri, kwa Kayibanda haba hotel du 5 juillet, etc. 

None se murashaka guhunga ingoma ya Habyarimana isunduwe, hanyuma mukalya ibyiyo muli munasunikirwa n'ibyo mu Rwanda rwa RPF? 

Ni mureke guhuzagulika mupfusha ubusa imali yanyu ngo muraliha ba avoka, mubundabunda muli za ambassades cyangwa se mujya muli za ngwino-urebe no kubaka i Rwanda: ni mugese ubw'iyo muli, naho ibya Rwanda muzabijyamo mutahutse nkuko ubu abo kwa Sahaha, Bisalinkumi, etc. basubiranye iby'ababyeyi babo. 

Turemeza ko ababazunguye bakaba barajyanye bya biseke i Kigali kimwe n'abakorera Urwanda hanze, Kagame bashakiye manda y'igihembo atazabahemukira abanyaga ibyanyu bigaruliye. 


     



De : haguruka@yahoogroups.com <haguruka@yahoogroups.com> de la part de Alfred Nganzo alfrednganzo@yahoo.com [haguruka] <haguruka@yahoogroups.com>
Envoyé : mercredi 13 janvier 2016 22:40
À : haguruka@yahoogroups.com
Objet : [haguruka.com] Fw: *DHR* Radio Inkingi: Hatowe itegeko rigamije guhuguza imitungo y'abatavuga rumwe n'ubutegetsi bari hanze, Innocent Twagiramungu na Dr. Innocent Biruka
 
 

Radio Inkingi



Rwanda: Hatowe itegeko rigamije guhuguza imitungo y'abatavuga rumwe n'ubutegetsi bari hanze, Innocent Twagiramungu  na Dr. Innocent Biruka
 
soundcloud.com
Listen to 13-1-2016 Hatowe itegeko rigamije guhuguza imitungo y'abatavuga rumwe n'ubutegetsi bari hanze by Radio Inkingi #np on #SoundCloud



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Posted by: kota venant <kotakori@hotmail.com>
Reply via web post • Reply to sender • Reply to group • Start a New Topic • Messages in this topic (2)
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-Ce dont jai le plus peur, cest des gens qui croient que, du jour  au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre.
-The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
-I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
-The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
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[haguruka.com] TR: {UAH} Exclusive: CIA Files Prove America Helped Saddam as He Gassed Iran | Foreign Policy

Dear Ugandans, these old news are very important as they help us understanding what we see and why we are where we are. This story of Gaddafi and Americans is very similar to what we heard in 1994s about the Great Lake Region (Rwanda, Uganda, Congo, Habyarimana, Museveni, Mobutu:

"The war in Libya that Hillary Clinton, U.N. Ambassador Susan Rice, and Samantha Power of the National Security Council were driving toward was so predictably a fiasco-to-come that, behind the backs of the Amazon Warriors Three, America's top generals conspired with leftie peacenik Congressman Dennis Kucinich to try to arrange a peaceful resolution to the crisis. But the war-making diplomats triumphed over the diplomacy-making soldiers. Hillary buffaloed the brass and got her war."
This recall Madam Prudence Bushnell and others playing in Rwanda and Uganda ...

But as now Rwandan President Paul Kagame twitted them asking let Rwanda free from their interference, we shall see what will happen! But let's keep in mind that Rwandans cannot survive without West's help and donations!






________________________________________
De : ugandans-at-heart@googlegroups.com <ugandans-at-heart@googlegroups.com> de la part de Herrn Edward Mulindwa <mulindwa@look.ca>
Envoyé : mardi 19 janvier 2016 00:00
À : ugandans-at-heart@googlegroups.com
Objet : RE: {UAH} Exclusive: CIA Files Prove America Helped Saddam as He Gassed Iran | Foreign Policy

WBK

With all due respect sir to your true African degree holder sucking up the west, there is a whack of information that many organizations have pushed to be out for now about 15 days. They are not raising them up because it is new news, but because those of you that read them at a time failed to stand up and use the very political systems you had in your countries. Tens of thousands of people died and are still dying. Now I know that you do not care if Libyans Iraqi or crap Somalis die, you only care if Americans die. But those that have died need a right to make the records rights. Kindly give them a chance than just throwing them out that cheaply to a point of it is old news they died so fuckin what?

This is an old news but it was reposted on 16th January 2016 because unlike you the death of people is greater importance sir.
--------------------------------------------

"After Me, The Jihad," Gaddafi Tried To Warn The West, But Nobody Listened

Submitted by Dan Sanchez via TheAntiMedia.org,

Before the French Revolution and its Reign of Terror, Louis XV predicted, "After me, the Deluge." Before being overthrown, Libya's secular dictator tried to warn the West of a new Reign of Terror, essentially foretelling, "After me, the Jihad."

This was disclosed with the recent release of phone conversations from early 2011 between Muammar Gaddafi and former British Prime Minister Tony Blair.

The West was then gearing up to use unrest in Libya as a pretext for military intervention and regime change. Gaddafi desperately tried to convey through Blair the folly of such a war, pleading that he was trying to defend Libya from Al Qaeda, which had set up base in the country. He said:

"They have managed to get arms and terrify people. people can't leave their homes… It's a jihad situation. They have arms and are terrorizing people in the street."
Gaddafi's warning went unheeded, and NATO, led by the U.S. and France, launched an air war that toppled Libya's government. Later that year, Gaddafi (himself a brutal oppressor, like all heads of state) was forced out of a drainage pipe, and then beaten, sodomized, and shot in the street by a mob. His corpse was then draped over the hood of a car.

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who had done more than any single person to advance the Libya War, was informed of Gaddafi's death while on camera. Fancying herself a modern Caesar, she chortled, "We came, we saw, he died!"

Since then, Gaddafi has been proven tragically right. As Libya descended into civil war and failed-state chaos, jihadi groups connected to Al Qaeda conquered much of the country. Libya underwent the same American "liberation" that had already befallen Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia — and would soon be visited on Syria and Yemen.

Shortly after Gaddafi's overthrow, some of the now-rampant jihadist helped the CIA run guns from Benghazi to fellow jihadis in Syria.

Benghazi had been a rebel stronghold. The Obama administration claimed a Gaddafi-perpetrated "genocide" was imminent in that city, using that claim as the chief justification for the war. There was zero indication of such an impending atrocity. But there was ample evidence of an Al Qaeda presence in Benghazi, as Gaddafi tried to tell Blair, saying that members had "…managed to set up local stations and in Benghazi have spread the thoughts and ideas of al Qaeda."

After the regime change, on September 11, 2012, the jihadis turned on their U.S. allies in Benghazi, sacked the U.S. diplomatic compound, and murdered Ambassador Chris Stevens.

Now ISIS has spread throughout Libya. Just days ago, ISIS perpetrated a truck bombing that killed dozens at a Libyan police academy in Sirte, a former Gaddafi stronghold. Indeed, Gaddafi informed Blair that jihadis had "attacked police stations" back in 2011.

Gaddafi further warned Blair:

"They want to control the Mediterranean and then they will attack Europe."
And ISIS has, indeed, been battling to take control of Libya's main oil ports in recent weeks. The group has also long been planning to use Libya as a base from which to launch attacks on nearby southern Europe. ISIS did strike Europe recently, most famously in Paris.

And it was not just Gaddafi personally who had been ringing such alarms to the Western powers thirsting for his blood. His intelligence officers produced reports demonstrating that heavy weapons being sent to the Libyan opposition, with NATO approval and Qatari financing, were being funneled to militants with ties to Al Qaeda. At least one of those reports was even prepared in English to facilitate its transmission to key members of Congress via U.S. intelligence.

Yet, there was no need for the West to rely on the Libyan regime for information about the jihadi threat. Indeed, as emails recently released by the State Department reveal, Hillary Clinton's own right-hand man had informed her before Gaddafi's overthrow that rebels were committing war crimes, and that "…radical/terrorist groups such as the Libyan Fighting Groups and Al Qa'ida in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) are infiltrating the NLC and its military command."

As Brad Hoff reports, that same email discloses that, very early in the Libyan crisis, "British, French, and Egyptian special operations units were training Libyan militants along the Egyptian-Libyan border, as well as in Benghazi suburbs."

They would soon be joined by U.S. special forces and the CIA.

The war in Libya that Hillary Clinton, U.N. Ambassador Susan Rice, and Samantha Power of the National Security Council were driving toward was so predictably a fiasco-to-come that, behind the backs of the Amazon Warriors Three, America's top generals conspired with leftie peacenik Congressman Dennis Kucinich to try to arrange a peaceful resolution to the crisis. But the war-making diplomats triumphed over the diplomacy-making soldiers. Hillary buffaloed the brass and got her war.

Abundant warnings of a Jihadi Deluge continued after the regime change, as well. As Nancy Youssef wrote at The Daily Beast:

"…many celebrated Libya as a success story of limited U.S. intervention despite obvious signs there of looming instability. The British consulate in Benghazi came under an attempted assassination attack the previous summer and other nations pulled out amid rising violence. The U.S. consulate in Benghazi suffered an improvised bomb attack around the time of the strike on the British. And there were early signs of a rising jihadist presence in the eastern city. In Tripoli, Sufi shrines were destroyed. (…)

"In the months leading up to the [2012 Benghazi] attack, flags belonging to a jihadist group, Ansar al Sharia, appeared in Benghazi. Ansar al Sharia members also controlled security around certain government buildings, including the hospital that would try to save Stevens.

"In that ensuing power vacuum, jihadists began claiming territory, making it difficult for the moderate government to control the country. By 2013, Libya's oil production all but stopped as the nation plunged toward civil war and a state led by two rival governments on opposite ends of the country. Efforts to create a unity government have so far faltered. Benghazi, the birthplace of the 2011 uprising, became a terrorist haven. And today, many Libyans yearn for the return of Gaddafi, however dictatorial his regime was, because of the security that came with him."
Conservative politicos have long strained to use Benghazi to torpedo Hillary's bid for the presidency. But their efforts are crippled by their own fundamental agreement with Hillary's militarism. They support the general policy of employing jihadis to overthrow secular dictators (not only in Libya, but Syria too). So they limit themselves to whining about Hillary's security measures.

The true Benghazi scandal indicts not just Hillary, but the entire Western power elite, whose wars have, as Gaddafi warned, flooded the world with a Jihadi Deluge and installed a postdiluvian Reign of Terror over us all.

EM
On the 49th Parallel
Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja and Dr. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda is in anarchy"
Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
"Pamoja na Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja na Dk. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda ni katika machafuko"


-----Original Message-----
From: ugandans-at-heart@googlegroups.com [mailto:ugandans-at-heart@googlegroups.com] On Behalf Of WB
Sent: Monday, January 18, 2016 5:42 PM
To: ugandans-at-heart@googlegroups.com
Subject: Re: {UAH} Exclusive: CIA Files Prove America Helped Saddam as He Gassed Iran | Foreign Policy


this is old news.



________________________________________
From: ugandans-at-heart@googlegroups.com <ugandans-at-heart@googlegroups.com> on behalf of 'Brian M. Kwesiga' via Ugandans at Heart (UAH) Community <ugandans-at-heart@googlegroups.com>
Sent: Monday, January 18, 2016 6:01 PM
To: UNAANET@yahoogroups.com
Subject: {UAH} Exclusive: CIA Files Prove America Helped Saddam as He Gassed Iran | Foreign Policy

The U.S. knew Hussein was launching some of the worst chemical attacks in history against Iran -- and still gave him a hand.

As the Gulf War passes its 25 year anniversary, it's important to look at the events that shaped the region in its lead up to war in 1991. Reread this piece from 2013.

http://foreignpolicy.com/2013/08/26/exclusive-cia-files-prove-america-helped-saddam-as-he-gassed-iran/?utm_content=bufferbb51c&utm_medium=social&utm_source=facebook.com&utm_campaign=buffer


Sincerely,

Brian M. Kwesiga

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Disclaimer:Everyone posting to this Forum bears the sole responsibility for any legal consequences of his or her postings, and hence statements and facts must be presented responsibly. Your continued membership signifies that you agree to this disclaimer and pledge to abide by our Rules and Guidelines.To unsubscribe from this group, send email to: ugandans-at-heart+unsubscribe@googlegroups.com

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Disclaimer:Everyone posting to this Forum bears the sole responsibility for any legal consequences of his or her postings, and hence statements and facts must be presented responsibly. Your continued membership signifies that you agree to this disclaimer and pledge to abide by our Rules and Guidelines.To unsubscribe from this group, send email to: ugandans-at-heart+unsubscribe@googlegroups.com

------------------------------------

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___________________________________________________
-Ce dont jai le plus peur, cest des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre.
-The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
-I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
-The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
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http://www.musabe.com/
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Monday, 18 January 2016

TR: [haguruka.com] The story of an ambitious Rwandan journalist who challenged Paul Kagame’s leadership.

 

Who can say more and better than this:


"In Kagame's dictatorship one gained one's freedom not by defending the liberty of others but by working to diminish it; for each person you turned in you earned more space. Even if such freedom could not last, even if you could lose by betrayal what had been gained by betrayal, it [is] a kind of freedom: a negative freedom. People's innate desire to be free thus provided essential sustenance to repression, dictatorship. Anjan Sundarama"?



De : haguruka@yahoogroups.com <haguruka@yahoogroups.com> de la part de Nzinink nzinink@yahoo.com [haguruka] <haguruka@yahoogroups.com>
Envoyé : jeudi 14 janvier 2016 02:45
À : Nzinink
Objet : [haguruka.com] The story of an ambitious Rwandan journalist who challenged Paul Kagame's leadership.
 
 


http://foreignpolicy.com/2016/01/13/writing-scared-in-rwanda-bad-news-sundaram/
foreignpolicy.com
The story of an ambitious Rwandan journalist who challenged Paul Kagame's leadership.


EXCERPT

'I Think I May Die Tonight'

The story of an ambitious Rwandan journalist who challenged Paul Kagame's leadership.

'I Think I May Die Tonight'

Standing on the porch of our office building, Gibson suddenly said that he wanted to start a magazine. For weeks, he had sat quietly at the back of the classroom during the training program I was running for journalists in the Rwandan capital, Kigali. But now the reporter seemed overcome with determination. He had just quit writing for Umuseso, Rwanda's most important independent newspaper, after the government had threatened his colleagues and forced many of them to flee their country. Journalism can be deadly in Rwanda, and no one would have blamed Gibson for finding a new career after the threats.

But Gibson made it clear he wouldn't sit idly by as Paul Kagame eroded what was left of the country's free press. But nor would he take on the Rwandan president directly. The magazine he imagined would employ a clever approach: It would neither flatter Kagame's government, which took power after the genocide nearly 22 years ago and gradually consolidated almost total control over society, nor publish overtly subversive news. Gibson wanted his magazine to fall somewhere in the middle of the spectrum of newspapers in Rwanda, where waves of repression have left only the most uncompromising media outlets still standing. He wanted to be a moderating force.

"The more they harass the press, the more aggressive the news gets, and the angrier the government becomes," he said. "Perhaps we can break this negative cycle with some sense."

The negative cycle Gibson described was the product of decades of repression. At least five journalists have disappeared or been murdered after criticizing Kagame's government. More than 38 others have been imprisoned for years or fled Rwanda, fearing for their lives. A few years ago, one of my students was beaten into a coma after raising the issue of harassment of journalists at a news conference, in front of Kagame. Another one of my students, sick with HIV, spent a year in prison after criticizing the government. Prison officials had screamed in her face and dragged her from room to room so she could not rest.

This brutal treatment of the press has continued relentlessly over the years, so now few voices dare to oppose the regime. Civil society groups, media outlets, and human rights organizations that criticized the government were one by one shut down or hijacked by government loyalists. Dissent was choked. On Jan. 1, Kagame announcedhe would stand for a third term as president, violating earlier promises to respect the Rwandan Constitution's previous two-term limit. In orderly fashion, and to little opposition, the constitution had been altered in December to allow Kagame to remain in power until 2034. The government cited the lack of protest as proof of overwhelming support for Kagame. In fact, it was proof that most dissenters had been crushed. The Rwandan press had all but rolled over for Kagame, reporting as factthe absurd claim that in a nation of 11 million, only 10 people had voiced opposition to a third term for the president.

Back on the office porch in 2010, Gibson asked what I thought of his magazine idea. I told him I wanted to help. Gibson said his best friend Simon (not his real name) would join in our efforts. They would call the publication New Horizons.

Gradually, over the course of several weeks, the magazine began to take shape. Gibson would remain in the classroom after our classes, and together with Simon, who was to lead business development — Gibson would be chief editor — we drafted a detailed business plan. The government required this for the magazine's registration. One had to show enough funds for computers, tables, and chairs; an office, the government said, had also to look like an office. The regulations were meant to dissuade journalists, and make our work difficult. We joked among ourselves that the government would soon also mandate the color of journalists' socks. I offered Gibson the use of our office facilities at the journalist training center, which had ample chairs and spare computers when the other students were not around.

It was a fulfilling period of long work hours with good spirit. We grew excited by the possibilities the magazine offered. We felt that it would almost certainly succeed with the public and might even turn a small profit in its first months, if we were lucky.

The main story in the first issue was about malnutrition. The government position was that Rwanda had sufficient food and that the president's policies had banished hunger. Gibson had avoided confronting the official line. Without ever stating that Rwanda had a malnutrition problem and that children in even the capital — the beacon of the government's message of its success to the world — were dying from the condition, Gibson simply provided information to mothers that would help them feed their children.

Fundamental needs of the population, like food, housing, and health, were especially sensitive topics. They were essential to the discourse that the government was doing good for its people. The government might point out problems that arose, but for a citizen to do the same, to say without prior signal, for example, that people were lacking food, was inherently dangerous. It was seen as diminishing the government's authority. Even posing the question could be seen as a form of dissent. This was why one always added that the government was doing everything necessary. Or to be safe, one avoided stating the problem at all.

What then was the truth about how people were faring? The president declared to the world that he was creating progress: He was growing the country's economy, reducing poverty, reducing hunger. But he suppressed verification of these claims. For instance, when the World Food Programme announced a famine outbreak in Rwanda in 2006, affecting hundreds of thousands of people, the government denied it. To this day, there was officially no famine. A subsequent World Bank research team studying the country's progress was forced to destroy the data it had collected when it became clear that the study was willing to contradict the official narrative of development. Subsequent research teams, at the government's invitation, have found that the economy is growing, poverty is declining, and people are better nourished. Researchers investigating police corruption were expelled from the country; Rwanda was declared among the least corrupt. A magical nation was thus created.

Gibson had realized that operating in such an environment required writing around the official narratives. In this way he would address the immediate concerns of the people, but ensure his own protection. One afternoon he came to the office with news we had been waiting for: The Health and Information ministries had both approved New Horizons. We had been optimistic about approval because his publication was not critical of the authorities. It was a good sign. Gibson's pimpled, cratered face showed both satisfaction and a kind of melancholy. He would soon be able to publish.

Gibson had already charted out the themes for the next four issues. He had lined up journalists and had spent his own money, from the little he had saved up, to pay them for their reporting.

We went to the office's garden that evening with some bottles of beer. They were almost the size of wine bottles, the standard in Rwanda. Once Gibson had made sure no one was watching, he drank his beer through a straw. It was the traditional way. In villages men would sit in a circle and pass around a flask of banana beer — a practice the government had outlawed. I think Gibson quietly enjoyed his small subversion.

"Maybe New Horizons will become a way for journalists to open up spaces to speak," Gibson told me. "We can get the message out while worrying less about the government attacking us. People in our country are dying needlessly. If we tell them how to cure themselves, they will survive. We just have to be patient and help a few of them at a time."

But it didn't take long for the optimism of that moment to fade. The magazine had received approval from all the relevant authorities, and the first issue of New Horizons, of which Gibson had printed a small sample run, was receiving exceptional praise. Strangers were writing in by SMS to say that they adored the articles and were already using the information. We were on the cusp of the launch. But a government media regulator — reporting directly to the president — kept refusing to grant the final go-ahead for the publication.

Gibson was never told that he was being refused registration, but each time he went to the regulator — then called the Media High Council — officials requested a new form, a new certificate from some government arm, a new letter stating his intentions. It began a cycle of debilitating, Kafkaesque confrontations with officials. Gibson was made to repeat information he had already furnished, but in different form, on new sheets of paper; he was made to provide irrelevant information; he had to obtain testimony from the authorities in his home village that he had been on "good behavior," had attended community work sessions, had not been outside at irregular hours, and had not received odd visitors. That the man had no criminal record did not matter, of course — the people close to the president needed to ascertain that he was not associated with any rumors of suspicious activity.

How to defend himself against rumor? The threat was formless. In a dictatorship it wasn't the facts that determined one's life; it was the claims, the whispers, feelings. There was no escape from the cloud of rumor that trailed invisibly behind everyone. Still, Gibson ran from authority to authority, trying to please officials, trying to provide every proof that they asked for. He was beside himself, fatigued, overcome with worry that his project would be crushed.

One afternoon, Simon arrived in the office while Gibson and I were working. Trembling, he sat down. He had been called that morning to the parking lot of a nearby hotel. The callers had said they were from a ministry dealing with one of the authorizations. But when he arrived he found plainclothesmen carrying revolvers — government men — who snatched his phone and scrolled down to see whom he had been calling. The men said they wanted to talk to Gibson. Simon told us he had said his friend was traveling — that he did not know where. And after the interrogation he had run first to a gas station, to make sure he was not being followed, and had then come to the office. He had taken a great risk by coming there; someone might have seen him.

Gibson was immediately tense. He let forth a flurry of questions: Why him? Did the men say what he had done? He had written nothing overly critical, he said — nothing, in any case, compared with the other journalists at Umuseso, his old employer. He could only think of his reports in Umuseso about government trials to prosecute killers from the genocide. Gibson had mentioned suspects close to the authorities who had not been charged, implying that the government was not looking too closely at the records of its friends. But he had written these articles many months before, and his recent reporting had been benign, as were his plans for New Horizons. Was even his malnutrition story now unacceptable? He became quiet and told me, once Simon had left, that this was not normal.

"I am very worried," he said.

The two friends agreed that they should no longer talk or meet. Gibson had to move out of his apartment at once. But where could he go?

The editor of Umuseso had just fled Rwanda. The threat had become too pronounced: The government had begun a widespread witch hunt for journalists from the newspaper, and there were rumors that it was about to be shut down. So Gibson was not alone in his danger. But these journalists each faced the government individually; they were already isolated.

We did not talk about what would happen to New Horizons, and Gibson said he was trying not to panic. The journalist had a plan. It was out of the question to stay in the capital after what had happened, so he would leave for a little while. Perhaps the tension would die down; perhaps the government had something personal against the Umuseso editor; perhaps the government would find a distraction and leave Gibson alone. He would hide himself and watch from a distance. He didn't tell me where he was going. He suggested it so naturally that I thought it must have been a plan he had formulated long ago, in case of such a situation.

The next day he was gone. I wondered whether Gibson would be safe. He was pitting himself against a system that was incredibly powerful. The state was highly ordered and controlled. Every piece of the country was organized into administrative units benignly called "villages." Each village, or umudugudu, contained about 100 families. Even the capital was but an agglomeration of such villages. Each village had its head, its security officer, and its "journalist" or informer, all of whom had to approve of one's behavior if one wanted something from the government — a passport, for example.

The system's power was shown in seemingly innocuous happenings: Slippers were worn overnight by masses of villagers following a government order. Plastic bags were suddenly eradicated from the corners of the country. To achieve such control the government had relocated thousands of people in the countryside to new "villages." And there was no privacy. Officials and security agents in the villages kept track of visitors and those traveling. Permission was required from local authorities if someone was to stay overnight. Hotels every day sent records with the names of visitors to the security services, using Rwanda's network of well-paved roads.

Where was Gibson going to hide? The whole country was, in effect, watching him. In other dictatorships, dissidents were able to move between cities, wear disguises, and change identities. Anonymity gave them the possibility of freedom. Rwanda's umudugudu system made this impossible.

I imagined Gibson on the run, from city to city, hotel to hotel. He called occasionally, never for more than a few minutes, and often just to tell me he was alright. I think it reassured him to talk to me, as he ran without destination. He knew that the government could use his friends or family — he needed to escape his former life and everything he knew. It was thus a kind of illusion, trying to run away. Though he was courageous to try.

After two weeks of gradually closing in, the government finally caught up. Gibson called me to relate how it had happened. There was a knock on his hotel-room door one night.

He asked who it was.

We had always assumed that it would be the secret service or the police who would come for him. But, no, the government had used someone who knew him well.

"Your friend, James." I felt let down: James was another of my students in the journalism training program. He was a government radio employee known for his independence, and he had spoken passionately in the classroom in favor of freedom. I had held some hope for him. Now I felt slightly broken. Perhaps he had been offered a promotion, or a loan to build a house. Although rewards were often unnecessary — it was reward enough to be seen by the government as loyal. I had lost two journalists at once.

Gibson finally opened the door and asked what James was doing there. They were in a city in the far south, a university center with many students and lecturers and guesthouses — it could not be a coincidence that James had arrived at his room.

But the government man gave no explanation. "Just traveling in the area," he said. "Do you want to get a beer?"

Gibson knew he could not refuse the offer. And from the bar on the first floor of the hotel, where they were seated, James ostentatiously made a telephone call. He said in a loud voice, "Hello! It's me. Yes, I am with him. There is no problem." I received a text message that evening from Gibson. "My life is in danger. I think I may die tonight."

Gibson's time was clearly limited — the police were using the country's journalists against one another. It was an insidious form of repression: to turn against you the things and people you trusted, so that you had to fear your own people.

In Kagame's dictatorship one gained one's freedom not by defending the liberty of others but by working to diminish it; for each person you turned in you earned more space. Even if such freedom could not last, even if you could lose by betrayal what had been gained by betrayal, it was a kind of freedom: a negative freedom. People's innate desire to be free thus provided essential sustenance to repression, dictatorship.

James decided to take a room at Gibson's hotel. That night Gibson paid for his accommodation, but left discreetly to sleep in another lodging. Early the following morning he boarded a bus for Kigali. He had nowhere to go, so I invited him to stay at the four-bedroom house provided for me by the training program.

He looked disheveled when he arrived. It was the toll of being on the run for two weeks. He had not eaten in several days, he said. And he was tired.

On the first day he just slept. The following day he came out for a couple of hours, before going back to bed. I did not know if he actually slept or if he was in some kind of trance-like state. He stepped out of his room looking ragged, in a strange condition, before again returning, without saying a word.

The following morning he emerged from his room in a rush — as if suddenly woken — and said that we had to make a plan. I too thought he should move. The question of when the police might arrive made me worry — the station was just around the corner from my house. And we were only two or three blocks from the president's office. It was one of the safest parts of the city, but also one of the most observed.

Everything seemed to be pushing Gibson to abandon his country. It was not an easy decision, or an obvious one. But the incidents, one after the other, had shown him that he could not stay, that his country was no longer safe for him. Everything he was connected to was now dangerous. He had been ripped out of society, of his world. He was stateless, homeless, being pursued. There were no more sanctuaries against the isolation and fear.

One evening he went back to his old apartment to collect a few of his things. I waited nervously at home. He found his landlady in his room — and she began to scream at him, to say that she had thrown him out, that he was useless, what was he still doing here. She left saying she was going to fetch the police, that this was her duty. Gibson hurriedly packed some belongings and departed before she could return. He did not lock the apartment door. This — her sudden hysteria — was a signal of all that threatened.

That night in the house he sat on his bed, feet on the ground, praying. To his right, on a bedside table, was a small porcelain figurine of the Virgin Mary and her child. It was one of the things he had salvaged from his apartment. Next to his foot was a little suitcase on wheels, Chinese-made, on top of which lay his frayed toothbrush. He opened his eyes. They were deep red. He did not speak. I offered him some rice.

What would become of New Horizons, he asked, into which he had put so much work? He looked distressed, and shaken by the episode with the landlady. The police were now undoubtedly on his trail and knew he was in Kigali. It was a hopeless position to be in, the individual pitted against the state; I felt his utter helplessness.

Anjan Sundaram is the author of Bad News: Last Journalists in a Dictatorship, from which this essay is adapted.

Photo credit: MICHELLE SIBILONI/AFP/Getty Images


###
"Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King.
###

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-Ce dont jai le plus peur, cest des gens qui croient que, du jour  au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre.
-The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
-I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
-The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
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-“The root cause of the Rwandan tragedy of 1994 is the long and past historical ethnic dominance of one minority ethnic group to the other majority ethnic group. Ignoring this reality is giving a black cheque for the Rwandan people’s future and deepening resentment, hostility and hatred between the two groups.”

-« Ce dont j’ai le plus peur, c’est des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre ».

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

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