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Thursday, 1 October 2015

[haguruka.com] Au Burkina Faso, fin de partie pour l’ex-putschiste Gilbert Diendéré

 



Au Burkina Faso, fin de partie pour l'ex-putschiste Gilbert Diendéré

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image: http://s2.lemde.fr/image2x/2015/10/01/768x0/4780472_6_441f_le-1er-octobre-2015-a-ouagadougou_cd15dce062eb152a471917ebfc1aa98c.jpg

Le 1er octobre 2015 à Ouagadougou.

La partie est désormais terminée pour le général Gilbert Diendéré. Après avoir trouvé refuge pendant deux jours chez le nonce apostolique, l'ambassadeur du Vatican à Ouagadougou, l'ex-chef putschiste a été arrêté, jeudi 1er octobre dans l'après-midi, et conduit dans une caserne de gendarmerie. « Nous avons négocié et ça s'est passé le plus naturellement possible. Il suffisait juste d'aller le chercher à la porte. Il sera jugé par un tribunal militaire », indique le premier ministre, Isaac Zida, la voix empreinte de satisfaction. Pour cet ancien officier du RSP, voilà que l'heure de la revanche a sonné. Gilbert Diendéré l'avait placé à la tête de la transition il y a onze mois, avant de rompre brutalement avec ce poulain qui avait voulu s'émanciper trop vite de son mentor. En somme, le fils vient de tuer le père.

Au même moment, « Z » a, lui, la voix d'un enfant dans un magasin de jouets. Z, qui souhaite conserver l'anonymat, est l'un de ces jeunes officiers venus d'une garnison de province pour déloger du pouvoir les putschistes issus du régiment de sécurité présidentielle (RSP). Un de « ces boys, comme disent les GI's, qui ont volé au secours de la nation », comme les a qualifiés le président intérimaire, Michel Kafando, mercredi 30 septembre, au lendemain de l'assaut victorieux du camp Naba Koom 2, où étaient retranchés les derniers irréductibles du RSP.

Le camp de Naba Koom 2, caverne d'Ali Baba

Cette immense caserne qui jouxte le palais présidentiel de Kosyam, que même le chef de l'Etat de la transition n'avait jamais visitée, selon ses dires, alors que ses éléments « étaient censés protéger (s)a personne », faisait figure depuis des années de château de « l'Etoile noire » au Burkina Faso. Le siège d'une armée dans l'armée, choyée comme nulle autre du temps de Blaise Compaoré. Une peinture du chef de l'Etat déchu, en tenue militaire, étudiant à la loupe une carte d'état-major est encore accrochée dans les couloirs menant à une salle de réunion.

Pour Z, le camp de Naba Koom 2 ressemble surtout à une caverne d'Ali Baba. « Il y a un arsenal conventionnel et non conventionnel incroyable, des armes que je n'ai jamais vues, même durant ma formation. C'est vraiment balèze », dit-il. L'arsenal du RSP a toujours été un secret bien gardé. « On a même découvert des armes traditionnelles qui servent pour les braquages », assure Z. Ont-elles été prises à des malfrats par le RSP ou bien ont-elles servi à commettre des méfaits ? Mystère. Autre interrogation : combien de soldats ont péri dans le bref assaut donné mardi après-midi à ce camp où étaient retranchés les derniers soldats de cette unité d'élite ?

Une rébellion sans perte humaine

« Honneur à cette armée nationale qui a réussi la prouesse tenant du miracle de mettre fin à la rébellion sans perte en vies humaines ni du côté des loyalistes ni du côté des insoumis », a déclaré, mercredi, Michel Kafando, sur la place d'armes du camp Naba Koom 2. « Nous-mêmes, on n'y croit pas trop, mais je peux vous assurer que l'on n'a toujours pas retrouvé de corps sur place. Quand on est rentré à l'intérieur, le camp était vide », dit Z, considérant que « les tirs d'artillerie ont été vraiment dissuasifs ».

Selon une source à l'état-major des armées, « deux salves d'orgues de Staline sur des positions inhabitées du camp du RSP ont suffi à créer la panique ». D'après plusieurs sources, la stratégie de l'état-major a été de laisser les derniers soldats du RSP sortir de leur camp pour tenter de les récupérer par la suite. « Huit cents à neuf cents hommes (sur les treize cents que comptait le RSP), ont rejoint le camp 1178, où ils ont été sommés de se rendre, ou leur nouveau lieu d'affectation », poursuit cette source. Reste à savoir, comment les frères ennemis d'hier cohabiteront à l'avenir.

Lire aussi : Au Burkina Faso, pas de mansuétude pour les putschistes


En savoir plus sur http://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2015/10/01/au-burkina-faso-fin-de-partie-pour-l-ex-putschiste-gilbert-diendere_4780473_3212.html#gseavB0zEHRJM5Bs.99


###
"Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King.
###

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Posted by: Nzinink <nzinink@yahoo.com>
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-Ce dont jai le plus peur, cest des gens qui croient que, du jour  au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre.
-The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
-I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
-The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
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[haguruka.com] Suharto’s Purge, Indonesia’s Silence

 


Suharto's Purge, Indonesia's Silence

By JOSHUA OPPENHEIMER
Photo
Credit Sam Brewster
This week marks the 50th anniversary of the beginning of a mass slaughter in Indonesia. With American support, more than 500,000 people were murdered by the Indonesian Army and its civilian death squads. At least 750,000 more were tortured and sent to concentration camps, many for decades.

The victims were accused of being "communists," an umbrella that included not only members of the legally registered Communist Party, but all likely opponents of Suharto's new military regime — from union members and women's rights activists to teachers and the ethnic Chinese. Unlike in Germany, Rwanda or Cambodia, there have been no trials, no truth-and-reconciliation commissions, no memorials to the victims. Instead, many perpetrators still hold power throughout the country.

Indonesia is the world's fourth most populous nation, and if it is to become the democracy it claims to be, this impunity must end. The anniversary is a moment for the United States to support Indonesia's democratic transition by acknowledging the 1965 genocide, and encouraging a process of truth, reconciliation and justice.

Every weekday, get thought-provoking commentary from Op-Ed columnists, The Times editorial board and contributing writers from around the world.
On Oct. 1, 1965, six army generals in Jakarta were killed by a group of disaffected junior officers. Maj. Gen. Suharto assumed command of the armed forces, blamed the killings on the leftists, and set in motion a killing machine. Millions of people associated with left-leaning organizations were targeted, and the nation dissolved into terror — people even stopped eating fish for fear that fish were eating corpses. Suharto usurped President Sukarno's authority and established himself as de facto president by March 1966. From the very beginning, he enjoyed the full support of the United States.

I've spent 12 years investigating the terrible legacy of the genocide, creating two documentary films, "The Act of Killing" in 2013 and "The Look of Silence," released earlier this year. I began in 2003, working with a family of survivors. We wanted to show what it is like to live surrounded by still-powerful perpetrators who had murdered your loved ones.

The family gathered other survivors to tell their stories, but the army warned them not to participate. Many survivors urged me not to give up and suggested that I film perpetrators in hopes that they would reveal details of the massacres.

I did not know if it was safe to approach the killers, but when I did, I found them open. They offered boastful accounts of the killings, often with smiles on their faces and in front of their grandchildren. I felt I had wandered into Germany 40 years after the Holocaust, only to find the Nazis still in power.

Today, former political prisoners from this era still face discrimination and threats. Gatherings of elderly survivors are regularly attacked by military-backed thugs. Schoolchildren are still taught that the "extermination of the communists" was heroic, and that victims' families should be monitored for disloyalty. This official history, in effect, legitimizes violence against a whole segment of society.

The purpose of such intimidation is to create a climate of fear in which corruption and plunder go unchallenged. Inevitably in such an atmosphere, human rights violations have continued since 1965, including the 1975-1999 occupation of East Timor, where enforced starvation contributed to the killing of nearly a third of the population, as well as torture and extrajudicial killing that go on in West Papua today.

Military rule in Indonesia formally ended in 1998, but the army remains above the law. If a general orders an entire village massacred, he cannot be tried in civilian courts. The only way he could face justice is if the army itself convenes a military tribunal, or if Parliament establishes a special human rights court — something it has never done fairly and effectively.

With the military not subject to law, a shadow state of paramilitaries and intelligence agencies has formed around it. This shadow state continues to intimidate the public into silence while, together with its business partners, it loots the national wealth.

Indonesia can hold regular elections, but if the laws do not apply to the most powerful elements in society, then there is no rule of law, and no genuine democracy. The country will never become a true democracy until it takes serious steps to end impunity. An essential start is a process of truth, reconciliation and justice.

This may still be possible. The Indonesian media, which used to shy from discussing the genocide, now refers to the killings as crimes against humanity, and grassroots activism has taken hold. The current president, Joko Widodo, indicated he would address the 1965 massacre, but he has not established a truth commission, issued a national apology, or taken any other steps to end the military's impunity.

We need truth and accountability from the United States as well. U.S. involvement dates at least to an April 1962 meeting between American and British officials resulting in the decision to "liquidate" President Sukarno, the populist — but not communist — founding father of Indonesia. As a founder of the nonaligned movement, Sukarno favored socialist policies; Washington wanted to replace him with someone more deferential to Western strategic and commercial interests.

The United States conducted covert operations to destabilize Sukarno and strengthen the military. Then, when genocide broke out, America provided equipment, weapons and money. The United States compiled lists containing thousands of names of public figures likely to oppose the new military regime, and handed them over to the Indonesian military, presumably with the expectation that they would be killed. Western aid to Suharto's dictatorship, ultimately amounting to tens of billions of dollars, began flowing while corpses still clogged Indonesia's rivers. The American media celebrated Suharto's rise and his campaign of death. Time magazine said it was the "best news for years in Asia."
But the extent of America's role remains hidden behind a wall of secrecy: C.I.A. documents and U.S. defense attaché papers remain classified. Numerous Freedom of Information Act requests for these documents have been denied. Senator Tom Udall, Democrat of New Mexico, will soon reintroduce a resolution that, if passed, would acknowledge America's role in the atrocities, call for declassification of all relevant documents, and urge the Indonesian government to acknowledge the massacres and establish a truth commission. If the U.S. government recognizes the genocide publicly, acknowledges its role in the crimes, and releases all documents pertaining to the issue, it will encourage the Indonesian government to do the same.

This anniversary should be a reminder that although we want to move on, although nothing will wake the dead or make whole what has been broken, we must stop, honor the lives destroyed, acknowledge our role in the destruction, and allow the healing process to begin.

Joshua Oppenheimer is a documentary filmmaker.

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###
"Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King.

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Posted by: Nzinink <nzinink@yahoo.com>
Reply via web post Reply to sender Reply to group Start a New Topic Messages in this topic (1)
___________________________________________________
-Ce dont jai le plus peur, cest des gens qui croient que, du jour  au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre.
-The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
-I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
-The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
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[haguruka.com] Re: Rwanda: Nahimana asks why the US wants to deport Munyakazi

 

Ndabona ibintu biriko biraza (wa mugani w'abarundi) ubwo na Martin Bangamwabo ageze aho yemera ko abanyarwanda b'abacikacumu atari abarokowe n'Inkotanyi gusa. 

Nyamara bitinde bitebuke u Rwanda ruzongera rube u Rwanda!

Byumvuhore ati: "Muce Iteka mu Rwanda"
http://www.byumvuhore.com/muce-iteka-mu-rwanda

 

From: "Martin Bangamwabo mbangamwabo@yahoo.fr [fondationbanyarwanda]" <fondationbanyarwanda@yahoogroupes.fr>
To: "fondationbanyarwanda@yahoogroupes.fr" <fondationbanyarwanda@yahoogroupes.fr>; "haguruka@yahoogroups.com" <haguruka@yahoogroups.com>; "nzinink@yahoo.com" <nzinink@yahoo.com>; "cnnsengi@yahoo.fr" <cnnsengi@yahoo.fr>
Sent: Thursday, October 1, 2015 11:00 AM
Subject: Re: [fondationbanyarwanda] FW: [haguruka.com] Re: Rwanda: Nahimana asks why the US wants to deport Munyakazi

 
Ese bwana KOTA, iyo uvuze abacikacumu n'abanyarwanda basanzwe, ubatandukanya gute?
Ejo hari umwana w'umuhungu ( ariko afite 37 ans...) yagenze amahanga agera za Tingi-tingi, inkotanya imurasaho arashibuka aribira yuburukira Bangui none ageze ino.
Yaravugaga ati jye ndi Umucikacumu. Urumva avuga ukuli cyangwa arashinyagura?


De : "kota venant kotakori@hotmail.com [fondationbanyarwanda]" <fondationbanyarwanda@yahoogroupes.fr>
À : "fondationbanyarwanda@yahoogroupes.fr" <fondationbanyarwanda@yahoogroupes.fr>; "haguruka@yahoogroups.com" <haguruka@yahoogroups.com>; "nzinink@yahoo.com" <nzinink@yahoo.com>; "cnnsengi@yahoo.fr" <cnnsengi@yahoo.fr>
Envoyé le : Jeudi 1 octobre 2015 16h29
Objet : [fondationbanyarwanda] FW: [haguruka.com] Re: Rwanda: Nahimana asks why the US wants to deport Munyakazi



 
Murakoze muvandimwe Nzinink.
Amahanga nyine azi ibyo yakoze hamwe n'inkotanyi (iliya link twerekanye ni preuve y'ibyo koko). Noneho iyo umuntu avuze ku by'iwacu mu bulyo bunyuranya n'ugushaka kw'inkotanyi, RPF ihita imubonamo umwanzi kabombo.
Ikamufunga/ikamwica iyo ali mu Rwanda; ikamuhiga inamuhigisha iyo ali hanze, igakoresha rero baliya bayishyigikiye ikamubasaba. Noneho ayo mahanga agashora imanza-matiku (ntatinya ndetse no gusubira mu zaciwe azigoreka) ashaka ubulyo yamutanga ngo agaragaze ubushuti magara kwa RPF  hakagerekwaho kandi ko ali n'ubulyo bwo kwikiza imhunzi yaje kuyagagaza no kulya ibyayo
Nguwo umutego Prof Munyakazi n'abandi benshi mu banyarwanda balimo. Ngibyo ibituma imanza zarabaye uruduca hose, ntabwo rwose ali urukundo, imhuhwe cyangwa se ubumuntu budasanzwe amahanga afitiye abanyarwanda. Aliko nta joro lidacya, bizashira haganze ukuli nkuko abicishije Galileya bayoyotse we akaba aterekerwa nk'umuhanga w'isi.  

Naho ibyo Ambasada J M Ndagijimana avuga, ni byo:  ni twe abanyarwanda ubwacu twagize ubwugugu, ishyali, ubuliganya n'ubuswa turoha igihugu cyacu mu ntambara n'ibyo ibyara byose. Twararwishigishiye twese, Hutu na Tutsi! Kandi ntacyo twungutse na gito mu mitegekere y'igihugu (dore commission iliho iliga uko  ibyo kwa Habyarimana twabigarura): ntibibuza abapfa gupfa haba mu nkotanyi, haba mu bacikacumu, haba no mu bandi banyarwanda basanzwe. Naho propagande yo nta cyahindutse iracyali imwe ya "Nzaguherekeza Habyarimana". 


 



To: fondationbanyarwanda@yahoogroupes.fr
From: haguruka@yahoogroups.com
Date: Wed, 30 Sep 2015 14:10:29 -0400
Subject: [haguruka.com] Re: Rwanda: Nahimana asks why the US wants to deport Munyakazi

 

Komera Kota,

Reka twiganirire mu rurimi rwa Gihanga ni rwo nishyikira ho cyane.
Iriya nyandiko wandangiye nari nsanzwe nyizi. Icyo nayivuga ho ni uko idasubiza impungenge zanjye n'iza Nsengiyumva ku byerekeye amabanga u Rda na Amerika byaba bifitanye ku byerekeye amahano yagwiriye uRda, ayo mabanga akaba ashobora kuba ari mu bituma Prof Munyakazi atotezwa.

Iriya nyandiko wandangiye kandi nta gishya njye yanyunguye. Icyo igamije mbere na mbere ni ugukingira ikibaba amahanga. Ntigaragaza ukuri kwose ku byabaye mu Rwanda, cyane cyane ukuntu bimwe mu bihugu by'ibihangange byashyigikiye Inkotanyi.

Ibintu njye uko mbibona biteye bitya:

-nta na rimwe biriya bihugu bizigera byemera ko byashyigikiye Inkotanyi;
-biriya bihugu ntibizigera kandi byivuguruza ngo bivuge ko ubwicanyi bwabaye mu Rda atari genocide yakorewe abatutsi;
-k'ubw'amahirwe ubwicanyi bwibasiye abahutu (mu Rda no muri Congo) na bwo buzagera aho bwitabwe ho maze ababwijanditse mo bisobanure imbere y'amategeko.

Ni yo mpamvu, nk'uko Amb. JMV Ndagijimana yabivuze mu minsi yashize, abanyarwanda ntitwagombye guhora twitakana amahanga. Ni twe ubwacu (abahutu n'abatutsi) mbere na mbere tugomba kwibaza tukisubiza tugafata n'ingamba nyazo zikumira ariya mahano: nibyo koko twarateranywe ari ko natwe ubwacu ntitukibagirwe ko twatereranye abacu tukanatsembana.

"It is true that we were abandoned. But we abandoned our people, and massacred our own people," Jean-Marie Vianney Ndagijimana, Rwanda's ambassador to Paris during the genocide, said during the review. "Primary responsibility for the genocide, and the crimes that accompanied it, must be borne by us, Rwandans. We must accept that fact before we make accusations against the international community."

Pour votre info:

International Decision Making in the Age of Genocide: Rwanda 1990–94


 


From: "kota venant kotakori@hotmail.com [fondationbanyarwanda]" <fondationbanyarwanda@yahoogroupes.fr>
To: "cnnsengi@yahoo.fr" <cnnsengi@yahoo.fr>; "fondationbanyarwanda@yahoogroupes.fr" <fondationbanyarwanda@yahoogroupes.fr>; "nzinink@yahoo.com" <nzinink@yahoo.com>; "cliir2004@yahoo.fr" <cliir2004@yahoo.fr>; "corwabel@gmail.com" <corwabel@gmail.com>
Sent: Wednesday, September 30, 2015 11:23 AM
Subject: FW: [fondationbanyarwanda] Re: Rwanda: Nahimana asks why the US wants to deport Munyakazi

 
Dear netters, we wonder why do people still ask the hen's teeth when its mouth has been widely opened?  
Sir Nzinink, you have nothing to "totally agree with sir Nsengiyunva''. If you were performing other duties, please now open this link and read what is officially known/revealed:  http://www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB472/ ! The information may allow you to better understand that something common between both powers about the 1994 hell over Rwanda. 
Prof Munyakazi and other likes who dare pointing out seen difficulties in the complicated history of conflict in Rwanda are in a sinking boat and have nothing else or more to do. Only to hope in and pray God for he be ready to receive their soul in paradise!   









And Ndumunyarwanda policy would be telling people that there is/was no ethnic divide in Rwanda [official government policy)!




To: cnnsengi@yahoo.fr; uRwanda_rwacu@yahoogroups.com
From: fondationbanyarwanda@yahoogroupes.fr
Date: Tue, 29 Sep 2015 10:29:46 -0400
Subject: [fondationbanyarwanda] Re: Rwanda: Nahimana asks why the US wants to deport Munyakazi

 

"It is clear to me, that there is something the US government and Rwandan authorities have in common, about the 1994 hell over Rwanda.  It has nothing to do with justice. And it is what accounts for the deportation of Prof Munyakazi", Celestin Nsengiyumva.

I totally agree with you.


From: Nsengiyumva Celestin <cnnsengi@yahoo.fr>
To: "uRwanda_rwacu@yahoogroups.com" <uRwanda_rwacu@yahoogroups.com>; Nzinink <nzinink@yahoo.com>
Sent: Tuesday, September 29, 2015 8:43 AM
Subject: Re: [uRwanda_rwacu] Rwanda: Nahimana asks why the US wants to deport Munyakazi

Something is amiss. If there is no ethnic divide [official government policy; Prof Munyakazi, Father Nahimana], then there was no genocide. It was some sort of national madness. In that case, even the government of Rwanda, while prosecuting genocide deniers, is itself in a situation of genocide denial.   And now, Prof Munyakazi is facing a situation of justice denial.
It is clear to me, that there is something the US government and Rwandan authorities have in common, about the 1994 hell over Rwanda.  It has nothing to do with justice.And it is what accounts for the deportation of Prof Munyakazi.
 


Le Lundi 28 septembre 2015 22h28, "Nzinink nzinink@yahoo.com [uRwanda_rwacu]" <uRwanda_rwacu@yahoogroups.com> a écrit :


 

Rwanda: Nahimana asks why the US wants to deport Munyakazi

Submitted by Ann Garrison on Sat, 09/26/2015 - 21:09

    00:00
    05:18
    alt
     
    KPFA Weekend News, 09.26.2015
    Dr. Léopold Munyakazi has been denied an emergency stay of his extradition to Rwanda. Father Thomas Nahima says that this is unjust because Dr. Munyakazi has committed no crime.
    Transcript: 
    KPFA Weekend News Anchor Sharon Sobotta: Dr. Léopold Munyakazi is in the custody of ICE, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, altDr. Léopold Munyakazi, a former French professor at Gaucher collegein Miami, Florida, where he is on the verge of being deported to Rwanda for alleged crimes related to the 1994 massacres that came to be known as the Rwandan Genocide. This week a court denied his request for an emergency stay so that he could complete the appeals process.
     
    The Rwandan government accused Professor Munyakazi of genocide crime after he made several speeches to university audiences in which he said that the Rwandan massacres were not genocide but class conflict.
     
    KPFA's Ann Garrison spoke to Father Thomas Nahimana about the Munyakazi case. Nahimana is a Catholic priest who plans to return from France to Rwanda in 2016 to challenge incumbent President Paul Kagame in the 2017 election.
     
    KPFA/Ann Garrison: Dr. Léopold Munyakazi, a former French professor at Goucher College, is close to being deported from the U.S., back to Rwanda, for giving several speeches in which he described the massacres as class conflict, not ethnic conflict. He said that Rwandans are the same people, speaking the same language and sharing the same culture. So the Hutu Tutsi conflict was really a class divide, not an ethnic divide. What do you think of that?
     
    Father Thomas Nahimana: Yes. I think that I agree with Munyakazi. I agree very much with him. And the division between Hutu and Tutsi, it is not a matter of blood. It is a matter of political and social interests only.
     
    But this is not a sin. This is not a crime. I don't understand why America accepts that Munyakazi has to face the problem that he is facing nowadays. 
     
    This is analysis which is good, which is good about our society. 
     
    KPFA: Well, when I began to try to understand this, I thought, "You speak the same language. You have the same culture. How am I supposed to understand this Hutu Tutsi divide as ethnic?" 
     
    Nahimana: Yes. The reality is that in our country, we are one people. Yes, we speak the same language. We marry each other, and the problems rise only when there is power to share. The international community must know that really, Hutu and Tutsi, it is not a problem of blood. It is only a problem of economic and political interests only. 
     
    KPFA: That would be a really radical change in the way the world thinks about Rwanda because we're commonly told that the U.S. needs to go to war, as in Libya or Syria, to stop genocide, as we failed to in Rwanda. Could you comment on that? 
     
    Nahimana: I think the problem of Rwandan Genocide is always complicated because the genocide happened when there was a civil war since four years. So, there was a part who wanted to win the war and to take power. And that part was RPF led by Paul Kagame. They didn't want anyone to intervene to stop that. That's true. They wanted to take power. The international community hasn't any fault. I can say that because we know, by history, that RPF wrote letters to the UN saying that they didn't want anybody to intervene.
     
    When they talk about genocide, they speak only about what happened in the part that was governed by the former government of Habyarimana, but they never talk about what was happening in the part where it was RPF. 
     
    KPFA: OK, you're talking about the areas that were RPF territory. The violence and atrocities that took place in territory controlled by the RPF - the winners - that's not reported. 
     
    Nahimana: Yes, and we are asking ourselves why the international community continues to keep a blind eye to the atrocities committed by the RPF, and that is a big problem for reconciliation in Rwanda.
     
    KPFA: And that was Father Thomas Nahimana speaking about the extradition case of former Goucher College French professor Dr. Léopold Munyakazi. Munyakazi's lawyer and supporters say that he will not recant his description of the Rwandan massacres as a class conflict because too many lives in the African Great Lakes Region depend on truth being told.

    For PacificaKPFA and AfrobeatRadio, I'm Ann Garrison. 
     


    ###
    "Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King.
    ###












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    Posted by: Nzinink <nzinink@yahoo.com>
    Reply via web post Reply to sender Reply to group Start a New Topic Messages in this topic (5)
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    -Ce dont jai le plus peur, cest des gens qui croient que, du jour  au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre.
    -The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
    -I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
    -The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
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    -“The root cause of the Rwandan tragedy of 1994 is the long and past historical ethnic dominance of one minority ethnic group to the other majority ethnic group. Ignoring this reality is giving a black cheque for the Rwandan people’s future and deepening resentment, hostility and hatred between the two groups.”

    -« Ce dont j’ai le plus peur, c’est des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre ».

    -“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

    -“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.

    -“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

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