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Friday, 29 August 2014

Rwanda, in crisis, uses coercive force to achieve justice

Op-Ed: Rwanda, in crisis, uses coercive force to achieve justice



Kagame s former bodyguard Joel Mutabazi with his family
What happens when moral law is absent and the arbitrary exercise of power becomes the only means of delivering justice? Tyranny ensues.
On Friday, Rwanda's military court is expected to announce a harsh sentence against Joel Mutabazi, President Paul Kagame's former bodyguard who escaped Rwanda three years ago after being tortured for his alleged ties to opposition.

For quite some time, Kagame had his eye on Mutabazi and other ethnic Tutsis that have fled a vortex of oppression and suspicion for the illusion of safety in Uganda. Some of those refugees have ended up dead -- their throats slit or shot in the streets of Kampala. Others have been beaten and bundled into vehicles by Rwandan operatives, only to be brought back unceremoniously, one by one, to face justice for crimes that could never be proven by independent courts. Mutabazi, a human vault who was privy to two decades of Kagame's war making in Africa's Great Lakes region, was high on the list of Rwanda's most wanted. Beforehand, he had narrowly escaped assassination and abduction in Uganda, a country that is nothing if not mercurial. A master at playing the international community and Kigali against one another, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni has simultaneously offered political asylum to Rwandans in flight and given Rwandan agents a free hand to hunt those refugees down.

Mutabazi – demoralized and strung up on terrorism charges after several months in detention -- now awaits a verdict on his future. His case is nonetheless shocking even by Rwandan standards.

To wit:

• Mutabazi was not extradited through any legal bilateral cooperation between Uganda and Rwanda. He was kidnapped. The United Nations considered him a bonafide refugee in Uganda that had fled torture and persecution in his homeland. Interpol authorities confirmed that no notice from their office had ever been issued. Rwanda issued its own arrest warrant against him but Uganda's state attorney had not yet approved it when Mutabazi was abducted in October 2013. Rwanda therefore broke international law and violated the Refugee Convention by seizing Mutabazi in the first place.

• The UN refugee agency considered Mutabazi a refugee at serious, imminent risk, hence his placement in a protected safe house. In 2012, attackers stormed Mutabazi's residence in Uganda and shot at him but missed. In August 2013, armed men broke into the safe house, gagged and blindfolded him and were heading to Kigali with him in their vehicle but later released him after a Ugandan police chief intervened. The apparent state-sponsored murder and abduction attempts of Mutabazi by the Rwandan government are in direct violation of international law, as defined by a host of treaties, protocols and tribunals.

• At a pre-trial court appearance in Kigali, Mutabazi alleged he had been tortured, intimidated and there was a conspiracy to kill him in jail. At one point -- apparently under duress -- he switched his plea to guilty and admitted he had fomented a rebellion. He then turned around and denied all charges, setting himself up for more torture and possibly death. His wife Gloria and a right activist meanwhile stated they had received word Mutabazi had been beaten and sexually tortured in order to make him falsely confess.

• Rwanda's military court has engaged in further undue influence by rounding up and prosecuting members of Mutabazi's family – including his teenage brother, his sister-in-law and uncle -- using them to testify against him. At the same time, another brother still in Uganda has been hounded by Rwandan agents.

• Mutabazi has been tried without a lawyer. A Rwandan attorney initially assigned to represent him, Antoinette Mukamusoni, withdrew from the case, unable to perform her duties. She was allegedly fearful for her safety.

• The principle charges against Mutabazi are dubious at best. He is accused of having actively organized and coordinated terror activities, including a spate of grenade attacks in Rwanda – supposedly from the confines of a UN safe house in Uganda. He is also accused of being linked to the dissident opposition party the Rwanda National Congress (RNC), whose members are in turn suspected by Rwanda of conspiring with the Hutu militia group, the FDLR, in the Democratic Republic of Congo. However a UN report in 2011 found no conclusive evidence that Kagame's South Africa-based political opponents from the RNC, Kayumba Nyamwasa and Patrick Karegeya, had provided financial or material support to the FDLR. Karegeya was strangled to death by suspected Rwandan operatives in Johannesburg on New Year's Eve.

The very essence of a despotic government is when the power to make laws is the hands of a king, when a sovereign authority imposes rules by might. Kagame, recalling the absolutism of the Caesars, is laying down the law of the land as he pleases. In fact, what he is doing is breaking the law to enforce his own version of it. Plato, John Locke and Thomas Jefferson might be rolling over in their graves.

Of course, if it were just a case of pinning Mutabazi to the wall, all this would be less troubling. But in Rwanda, each day Kagame widens the crackdown, causing new alarm. In June, the United States said it was worried about the growing number of arrests and disappearances in Kigali, Rubavu and Musanze districts. The UK, for its part, said it was concerned at what appeared to be mounting acts of violence against opposition critics. Earlier this month, Rwandan prison authorities said 30,000 Rwandans sentenced to community services for their role during the genocide had disappeared. Meanwhile, the government of Burundi launched an investigation this week after a number of bodies were found floating in plastic bags in Lake Rweru, along its border with Rwanda. Pictures of a few corpses posted on Twitter show victims with arms tied behind their backs so tightly they might have stopped breathing or their ribs could have broken. Kagame's former soldiers have testified this was a signature technique used against enemies of his Rwandan Patriotic Army.

In the capital, Colonel Tom Byabagamba, Kagame's former presidential guard chief was arrested last week for suspected crimes against state security. Also swept up were Brigadier General Frank Rusagara, former defense attaché to London, and retired captain David Kabuye.

The arrests suggest that Kagame is zeroing in on his inner circle, but it remains unclear whether these moves are signs of a regime now imploding. What is certain is that the walls are closing in and no one is above suspicion.

[RwandaLibre] Rwanda, in crisis, uses coercive force to achieve justice

 

Op-Ed: Rwanda, in crisis, uses coercive force to achieve justice



Kagame s former bodyguard Joel Mutabazi with his family
What happens when moral law is absent and the arbitrary exercise of power becomes the only means of delivering justice? Tyranny ensues.
On Friday, Rwanda's military court is expected to announce a harsh sentence against Joel Mutabazi, President Paul Kagame's former bodyguard who escaped Rwanda three years ago after being tortured for his alleged ties to opposition.

For quite some time, Kagame had his eye on Mutabazi and other ethnic Tutsis that have fled a vortex of oppression and suspicion for the illusion of safety in Uganda. Some of those refugees have ended up dead -- their throats slit or shot in the streets of Kampala. Others have been beaten and bundled into vehicles by Rwandan operatives, only to be brought back unceremoniously, one by one, to face justice for crimes that could never be proven by independent courts. Mutabazi, a human vault who was privy to two decades of Kagame's war making in Africa's Great Lakes region, was high on the list of Rwanda's most wanted. Beforehand, he had narrowly escaped assassination and abduction in Uganda, a country that is nothing if not mercurial. A master at playing the international community and Kigali against one another, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni has simultaneously offered political asylum to Rwandans in flight and given Rwandan agents a free hand to hunt those refugees down.

Mutabazi – demoralized and strung up on terrorism charges after several months in detention -- now awaits a verdict on his future. His case is nonetheless shocking even by Rwandan standards.

To wit:

• Mutabazi was not extradited through any legal bilateral cooperation between Uganda and Rwanda. He was kidnapped. The United Nations considered him a bonafide refugee in Uganda that had fled torture and persecution in his homeland. Interpol authorities confirmed that no notice from their office had ever been issued. Rwanda issued its own arrest warrant against him but Uganda's state attorney had not yet approved it when Mutabazi was abducted in October 2013. Rwanda therefore broke international law and violated the Refugee Convention by seizing Mutabazi in the first place.

• The UN refugee agency considered Mutabazi a refugee at serious, imminent risk, hence his placement in a protected safe house. In 2012, attackers stormed Mutabazi's residence in Uganda and shot at him but missed. In August 2013, armed men broke into the safe house, gagged and blindfolded him and were heading to Kigali with him in their vehicle but later released him after a Ugandan police chief intervened. The apparent state-sponsored murder and abduction attempts of Mutabazi by the Rwandan government are in direct violation of international law, as defined by a host of treaties, protocols and tribunals.

• At a pre-trial court appearance in Kigali, Mutabazi alleged he had been tortured, intimidated and there was a conspiracy to kill him in jail. At one point -- apparently under duress -- he switched his plea to guilty and admitted he had fomented a rebellion. He then turned around and denied all charges, setting himself up for more torture and possibly death. His wife Gloria and a right activist meanwhile stated they had received word Mutabazi had been beaten and sexually tortured in order to make him falsely confess.

• Rwanda's military court has engaged in further undue influence by rounding up and prosecuting members of Mutabazi's family – including his teenage brother, his sister-in-law and uncle -- using them to testify against him. At the same time, another brother still in Uganda has been hounded by Rwandan agents.

• Mutabazi has been tried without a lawyer. A Rwandan attorney initially assigned to represent him, Antoinette Mukamusoni, withdrew from the case, unable to perform her duties. She was allegedly fearful for her safety.

• The principle charges against Mutabazi are dubious at best. He is accused of having actively organized and coordinated terror activities, including a spate of grenade attacks in Rwanda – supposedly from the confines of a UN safe house in Uganda. He is also accused of being linked to the dissident opposition party the Rwanda National Congress (RNC), whose members are in turn suspected by Rwanda of conspiring with the Hutu militia group, the FDLR, in the Democratic Republic of Congo. However a UN report in 2011 found no conclusive evidence that Kagame's South Africa-based political opponents from the RNC, Kayumba Nyamwasa and Patrick Karegeya, had provided financial or material support to the FDLR. Karegeya was strangled to death by suspected Rwandan operatives in Johannesburg on New Year's Eve.

The very essence of a despotic government is when the power to make laws is the hands of a king, when a sovereign authority imposes rules by might. Kagame, recalling the absolutism of the Caesars, is laying down the law of the land as he pleases. In fact, what he is doing is breaking the law to enforce his own version of it. Plato, John Locke and Thomas Jefferson might be rolling over in their graves.

Of course, if it were just a case of pinning Mutabazi to the wall, all this would be less troubling. But in Rwanda, each day Kagame widens the crackdown, causing new alarm. In June, the United States said it was worried about the growing number of arrests and disappearances in Kigali, Rubavu and Musanze districts. The UK, for its part, said it was concerned at what appeared to be mounting acts of violence against opposition critics. Earlier this month, Rwandan prison authorities said 30,000 Rwandans sentenced to community services for their role during the genocide had disappeared. Meanwhile, the government of Burundi launched an investigation this week after a number of bodies were found floating in plastic bags in Lake Rweru, along its border with Rwanda. Pictures of a few corpses posted on Twitter show victims with arms tied behind their backs so tightly they might have stopped breathing or their ribs could have broken. Kagame's former soldiers have testified this was a signature technique used against enemies of his Rwandan Patriotic Army.

In the capital, Colonel Tom Byabagamba, Kagame's former presidential guard chief was arrested last week for suspected crimes against state security. Also swept up were Brigadier General Frank Rusagara, former defense attaché to London, and retired captain David Kabuye.

The arrests suggest that Kagame is zeroing in on his inner circle, but it remains unclear whether these moves are signs of a regime now imploding. What is certain is that the walls are closing in and no one is above suspicion.

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Assassins linked to Kagame regime - The Independent


Assassins linked to Kagame regime

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Rwandan president is implicated in funding hit squad of four men convicted of trying to kill his exiled army chief in  South Africa. Yet Western countries, including Britain, continue to pander to the murderous despot

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Six men charged with attempting to kill Rwanda's former army chief Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa sit in court in Johannesburg. Four of them were convicted of attempted assassination yesterday
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Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa had only been in South Africa for a few months when, returning home from a shopping trip with his wife and children, a gunman tried to kill him.

The Rwandan general, exiled after falling out with President Paul Kagame, survived after being rushed to intensive care. Yesterday he saw four men convicted of trying to assassinate him.

"The magistrate has correctly observed that the conspiracy to kill me was politically motivated," said Mr Nyamwasa, after the verdict in Kagiso, near Johannesburg.

The resolution of this 2010 case is a landmark moment. It is the first time a Rwandan hit squad has been caught and convicted after leaving a trail of blood and terror around the world.

Army chief of staff Mr Nyamwasa fled to South Africa after joining in opposition with three other former close allies of Kagame. Another was Patrick Karegeya, an ex-spy chief found strangled in a Johannesburg hotel this year.

Stanley Mkhair, the magistrate, said it was clear the four convicted men – one Rwandan and three Tanzanians – met several times to plan the Nyamwasa assassination attempt and were paid 80,000 Rand (£4,540) in cash by "people in Rwanda". A 33-year-old Rwandan businessman named Pascal Kanyandekwe was cleared of offering big bribes to South African police after they arrested him. Items found in his possession proved his links to the plot but there was insufficient evidence to convict him, said Mr Mkhair.

General Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa nearly died in the assassination attemptGeneral Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa nearly died in the assassination attempt (Getty Images)

The general's driver was also cleared after prosecutors failed to prove beyond doubt he was involved.

Significantly, Mr Mkhair concluded the plot to kill Mr Nyamwasa came "from a certain group of people from Rwanda". Clearly he was pointing at the regime of Kagame, who holds his nation in a vice-like grip.

Yet still this repressive ruler remains the darling of many Western admirers, despite never hiding his lethal contempt for critics.

Days after Karegeya's killing, the Rwandan Defence Minister – referring to the strangling – said: "When you choose to be a dog, you die like a dog, and the cleaners will wipe away the trash so that it does not stink for them."

The following day President Kagame himself came close to condoning the murder. "Whoever betrays the country will pay the price, I assure you," he told a rally. "Whoever it is, it is a matter of time."

The tragedy of Rwanda is how this deluded despot sees himself as the embodiment of his nation – and how he is egged on by fawning Western advisers such as Tony Blair and aid donors who prop up his murderous regime by providing 40 per cent of its budget.

"This is a significant case because the victim was such a high-profile opponent," said Carina Tertsakian, senior researcher on Rwanda at Human Rights Watch. "It fits a well-documented pattern against opponents and critics that has gone on as long as this government has been in power."

Of course Rwanda denied involvement in the attempt on Mr Nyamwasa's life, just as it always does when dissidents die in mysterious circumstances. "The Rwandan government does not go around shooting innocent citizens," said Louise Mushikiwabo, the Foreign Minister.

General Kayumba Nyamwasa attends the trial of six men accused of his attempted assassinationGeneral Kayumba Nyamwasa attends the trial of six men accused of his attempted assassination (Getty Images)

But such claims look absurd when a steady succession of critics, judges and journalists have been threatened, harassed and murdered after crossing Kagame. Victims have been beaten, beheaded, shot, stabbed and strangled both at home and abroad.

Even Paul Rusesabagina, whose brave stance during the 1994 genocide saved so many lives and led to the film Hotel Rwanda, was intimidated after speaking out against Kagame's misrule.

Human Rights Watch has documented arbitrary arrests, detentions, killings, torture and enforced disappearances since Kagame took power. Many cases are similar in style.

In 1998 a former Minister of Interior who criticised human rights abuses was shot dead in Kenya, having survived a previous murder attempt. A high court judge in Nairobi found the killing was political – but Rwanda frustrated investigations by refusing to waive diplomatic immunity for a suspect working at its embassy.

Latest victims include Kagame's former bodyguard Joel Mutabazi, who survived both assassination and abduction attempts before being snatched from Uganda and put on trial for "terrorism" in Kigali. Prosecutors are demanding a life sentence.

President Paul Kagame of RwandaPresident Paul Kagame of Rwanda (Getty Images)

South Africa has refused a French request to extradite Mr Nyamwasa to answer questions over Kagame's alleged order to shoot down a plane carrying the presidents of Rwanda and Burundi, which sparked the 1994 genocide.

After another attempt on Mr Nyamwasa's life in March, South African Justice Minister Jeff Radebe warned Rwanda that his nation "will not be used as a springboard to do illegal activities". This led to a spate of tit-for-tat expulsions of diplomats.

Even the US, for so long turning a blind eye to Kagame's atrocities and his pillaging of the Democratic Republic of Congo, has hit out at "politically motivated murders of prominent Rwandan exiles".

Yet Britain welcomed this war criminal into the Commonwealth and continues to pump huge sums of aid into his country – nearly £400m over the course of the coalition – while hypocritically talking of promoting democracy and human rights.

Even a warning from Scotland Yard in 2011 that a Rwandan hit squad had been sent to murder two exiles living in Britain failed to stop the torrent of aid into this regime's pocket.

"This is a very important verdict," said Rene Mugenzi, a Liberal Democrat activist who was one of the targets. "Anyone opposed to Kagame and doing anything to raise awareness about what is happening in Rwanda has a death sentence put on them."

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-“The root cause of the Rwandan tragedy of 1994 is the long and past historical ethnic dominance of one minority ethnic group to the other majority ethnic group. Ignoring this reality is giving a black cheque for the Rwandan people’s future and deepening resentment, hostility and hatred between the two groups.”

-« Ce dont j’ai le plus peur, c’est des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre ».

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

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