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Sunday, 18 August 2013

11th Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture: Transcript of Dr Mo Ibrahim’s speech – Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory


Today, 17 August 2013, saw a group of esteemed guests and delegates attend the 11th Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture at UNISA, in Tshwane. The keynote lecture was delivered by Dr Ibrahim, the Founder and Chair of the Mo Ibrahim Foundation.

Below is a transcript of Dr Ibrahim's address.

***As transcribed

I am really honoured to stand here before you today to deliver this lecture. I must confess l looked up the list of previous speakers and found out they fell mostly under categories of either presidents or Nobel Prize Laureates, l am neither. l wish to congratulate the Trustees in opting for a commoner like me to present this lecture - brothers and sisters, please and manage your expectations.

Building social cohesion is our topic today. I believe social cohesion is really about really holding our society together.

It is about building a national identity that transcends ethnic, religion, class and gender. It is more than just a passport or an ID, it is where we achieve common purpose as citizens and when we really feel that we have equitable access and participation in the political, economic, social and cultural life of our country.

It's not about entitlement, but about equal opportunities and hope. It is about dialogue, listening and talking the Madiba way.

Nelson Mandela is gifted with many extra-ordinary qualities, but for me the most potent quality he has is his ability to build bridges; to search for and find that common ground with others. And then use that common ground to build on understanding and find solutions. That is Madiba's way.

There is no doubt that great progress has been achieved in this country over the past 20 years. We do publish every year, my Foundation, an index of governance, the African Index of Governance.

We measure the 88 indicators of performance of each government in all aspects of their activities. South Africa ranked, in the year 2000, as number 31 in rural development out of 54 countries in Africa. Last year it was 22nd. There has been much improvement from 31 to 22nd. It is not a fantastic score, but it is a market improvement. It also tells us that a lot still has to be done about rural areas.

I must say also that overall, South Africa is number 5, it comes 5th in our overall Index of Governance. It's a remarkable score to be number 5 out of 54. It is not bad at all. It is really good. However, the gap between rich and poor people in this country is still remarkable.

The table, which l admit is not the perfect measure but it is a very important indicator, lists South Africa right at the bottom.

This is the least equitable country in the whole world, and is it only legitimate for us to ask, after 20 years of independence, what exactly is really going on here? That's the real challenge that our friends here in South Africa need to face up to. I think what we need is to have a good conversation about our policies on what worked and what did not work. We need to be brave, really, and have that kind of discussion.

If we start with the issue of land, a very important issue, this country adopted a policy of willing seller and willing buyer. I think, and you would probably agree, it did not work.

Isn't it time for people to seek other solutions? Isn't it time to find a solution within the Constitution that offers an equitable solution to all parties to address that issue? It is a very important issue for our people in the rural areas. And the government needs to have the courage in order to deal with that. Governance is never easy, but it has to be faced and this is a very important issue and it has not been addressed in the past 20 years.

Black empowerment, the adopted black empowerment policy, was the objective of bridging the gap between the rich and the poor.  Isn't it the time to check what really happened with black economic empowerment? Did it help really bridge the gap between the rich and the poor? And if it did, why are we at the bottom of the table? I think we really need to have a conversation about that - at least for the sake of social cohesion. Talking about social coherence, we must also talk about young people, the youth. The youth are the largest constituency in our continent.

Not only in South Africa, but in our continent. Half of the African population is below 19-years-old. This is the largest constituency in Africa. This can be wonderful news but it can also be a major problem for us. It can be wonderful news because our democracy in South Africa and in Africa is inverse of that democracy in Europe, China and Japan. This, our countries and continents of asian population. There is no young people really in China or Japan. There have stopped having babies for some reason. Can Africa dream of being the future factory of the world instead of China? China is going to have a crunch in the next 10 or 20 years. Can we do that? What a wonderful prospect for us to have, that huge productivity of such young people can bring to our factories, our land and work place here. But in order to do that, we need to do two things:

The first thing will have to be attention to education and training of that group of young people. What are we preparing them for? Is our education system matching our business needs? Are we producing the kind of people that future jobs will require? Are we doing that? I am not sure. I was having a conversation an hour ago with the Vice Chancellor here and we both agreed that 2% of African students are studying agriculture, yet 70% of our people are living off the land. So we have an issue here of matching educational and training programmes to the job market. How many business people are involved in the educational process? I think none. That's the first issue.

The second issue is African economic integration. Only 11% of our trade is amongst the Africans. We refuse to let our people travel from one country to another. We always need a visa. And l also say, sadly, although being Sudanese, whenever l travel in Africa l always carry a British passport, because l am welcome.

My colleague here, a Member of our Board, had huge trouble in getting a visa to be able to join me here. He was a Secretary General of the United Nations, a board member, just to get a visa here is a major trouble. But with my British passport l am welcome here through your immigration lines. Is that acceptable?

And let us take this further, as 54 countries, we are all subscale. We only have 14 exchanges, stock markets. Only 6 or 7 of them have any liquidity. How can anybody start a business in a country which does not have a liquid stock exchange? If you are looking to invest money, you are looking at the Dollar, you are looking for the exits. We have countries that have farming, we have countries that have tomatoes rotting because we cannot move tomatoes from here to there. There is no scale.

If China was 54 different countries, would China have been where it is today? So let us get it clear in our heads that for us to move forward, we need to understand the important economic integration of Africa. We need freedom to move people, goods and capital across our borders. That is essential. So l think these are the two prerequisites. Simple. Its not difficult. We need to get that in order for us to move forward. And we have an amazing future. We are a very rich continent. But what happens if we fail? We have a tsunami of young people, millions of young Africans coming for jobs every year. Where will these jobs come from? This is a recipe for a serious upheaval.

Millions of young people without jobs and more important without hope, is a major problem. If you haven't locked up your doors and called the army, that is a bleak future to face. That is a very serious issue. l hope that our leaders, and not only South Africa but all across Africa, l wonder, can help us sleep tonight knowing that the tsunami of young people coming which we need to deal with it. Our future depends on how we are going to deal with those young people. That is the mother of all social cohesion issues we face.

Still on young people, given what is happening, given the demography of Africa, the majority of African people are under 19 years old. Below 25 years old is over 60% of the population. How much space do they have in the public arena? Who is listening to them? Are they invited to the table? The future they deserve is there. They understand the future better than us, and maybe they have better solutions than us. Have we had space for young people to come forward and join us in this process of thinking about what needs to be done? That is the challenge we need to deal with. 

Lets go back to the numbers, l love the numbers, I am an engineer. I say half the population are around 19-years-old. Do you know what is the medium age for African presidents? If you just compare the two numbers, you can see how divided we are. Where is the social cohesion here? This may be very interesting to note, Obama became president at 47-years-old. Clinton at 46-years-old. So people in their 40s are being elected to run a country that is not only the greatest super power, but it has a GDP economy of 15 trillion dollars a year - 15 times the total economy of Africa, which is about a trillion dollars.

And those guys who are 40-years-old are deemed to be able to run the United States of America. Here we have somebody in our neighbouring country, who at 90-years-old, is about to start a new term. So what is wrong with us? And the other day l was thinking, if Obama senior decied to take the young Obama back to Kenya, where would the young Obama be today? You may guess, l know, he will never be president of Kenya.

We cannot talk about social cohesion without talking also about another important thing in our society, women. 

Women are actually the pillar of the African economy.  Seventy percent of our population depend on land, on agriculture. Who does agriculture? Women do agriculture. They do agriculture, family and kids and also schools. And yet women have not yet been allowed the dignity they really deserve in our society. There still is this male dominated xenophobia about women and we have to admit that.

We have a problem here in Africa. And we really need to face the real problem. Rape is a terrible crime. Somehow it is widespread in Africa and widespread here in this country. That is not acceptable. So we cannot afford to lose what is vital productive element in our society, one essential for our social coherence.

One thing l have to say here, is that l really wish to commend the government and the people of South Africa, l note that you have quite a good number of women in government, in parliament, as heads of state, companies and parastatals. Actually you have a high percentage of women, higher than any African country, actually higher than any country in the world and that is a wonderful achievement. So we have great tolerance and acceptance of the role of women and they do amazing jobs, really, but in the rest of society we don't see that respect being reflected. We have a cultural issue and that is something we need to work on because culture is very difficult to change unless everybody is willing to work on that issue.

Just to mention in figures, Africa in general improved a lot on ratings over the past 10 years on gender issues. We moved 37% up so that's a great achievement over the past 10 years. But we are coming from a very low base so we should not pat ourselves on the back, not yet. There is a lot of work that needs to be done.

Now finally I would really like to say that South Africa matters. Of course it matters to you as South Africans, it also matters to us as Africans. We look up to you. You are the most advanced -  economically, industrially - country in Africa. We look in admiration to your wonderful struggle to freedom. We look at your founders, founding fathers, the great Mandela, he is our hero. He is an African icon. Not only for you, he is our hero too. So we expect a lot from you. And we will not refrain from being critical when we see you wavering and misbehaving because you matter for us. You are the locomotive. You are supposed to pull this region forward, economically, socially and culturally. We expect more from you.

Unfortunately we have a deficit in leadership in Africa. In all of our 54 countries, you will understand exactly what l mean.

We have a serious deficit in leadership. South Africa needs to step up and really play a better role in working with Africa. Leadership is not about bossing people around. Leadership is not about securing a seat on a security council on behalf of Africa or chairing the African Union.

The leadership we are looking for is true engagement with Africa. We need a cohesive voice for Africa and that cohesive voice you can really help formulate. We need a cohesive voice on the issues of transparency, tax evasion and a lesser transfer of funds, a lot of issues really important for Africa, where we really need your strong voice to be there.

You have a role to play in Africa by understanding Africa, by engaging with Africa. That is what we are looking for. We are waiting, don't keep us waiting for a long time.

***As transcribed

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11th Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture: Transcript of Dr Mo Ibrahim’s speech – Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory


Today, 17 August 2013, saw a group of esteemed guests and delegates attend the 11th Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture at UNISA, in Tshwane. The keynote lecture was delivered by Dr Ibrahim, the Founder and Chair of the Mo Ibrahim Foundation.

Below is a transcript of Dr Ibrahim's address.

***As transcribed

I am really honoured to stand here before you today to deliver this lecture. I must confess l looked up the list of previous speakers and found out they fell mostly under categories of either presidents or Nobel Prize Laureates, l am neither. l wish to congratulate the Trustees in opting for a commoner like me to present this lecture - brothers and sisters, please and manage your expectations.

Building social cohesion is our topic today. I believe social cohesion is really about really holding our society together.

It is about building a national identity that transcends ethnic, religion, class and gender. It is more than just a passport or an ID, it is where we achieve common purpose as citizens and when we really feel that we have equitable access and participation in the political, economic, social and cultural life of our country.

It's not about entitlement, but about equal opportunities and hope. It is about dialogue, listening and talking the Madiba way.

Nelson Mandela is gifted with many extra-ordinary qualities, but for me the most potent quality he has is his ability to build bridges; to search for and find that common ground with others. And then use that common ground to build on understanding and find solutions. That is Madiba's way.

There is no doubt that great progress has been achieved in this country over the past 20 years. We do publish every year, my Foundation, an index of governance, the African Index of Governance.

We measure the 88 indicators of performance of each government in all aspects of their activities. South Africa ranked, in the year 2000, as number 31 in rural development out of 54 countries in Africa. Last year it was 22nd. There has been much improvement from 31 to 22nd. It is not a fantastic score, but it is a market improvement. It also tells us that a lot still has to be done about rural areas.

I must say also that overall, South Africa is number 5, it comes 5th in our overall Index of Governance. It's a remarkable score to be number 5 out of 54. It is not bad at all. It is really good. However, the gap between rich and poor people in this country is still remarkable.

The table, which l admit is not the perfect measure but it is a very important indicator, lists South Africa right at the bottom.

This is the least equitable country in the whole world, and is it only legitimate for us to ask, after 20 years of independence, what exactly is really going on here? That's the real challenge that our friends here in South Africa need to face up to. I think what we need is to have a good conversation about our policies on what worked and what did not work. We need to be brave, really, and have that kind of discussion.

If we start with the issue of land, a very important issue, this country adopted a policy of willing seller and willing buyer. I think, and you would probably agree, it did not work.

Isn't it time for people to seek other solutions? Isn't it time to find a solution within the Constitution that offers an equitable solution to all parties to address that issue? It is a very important issue for our people in the rural areas. And the government needs to have the courage in order to deal with that. Governance is never easy, but it has to be faced and this is a very important issue and it has not been addressed in the past 20 years.

Black empowerment, the adopted black empowerment policy, was the objective of bridging the gap between the rich and the poor.  Isn't it the time to check what really happened with black economic empowerment? Did it help really bridge the gap between the rich and the poor? And if it did, why are we at the bottom of the table? I think we really need to have a conversation about that - at least for the sake of social cohesion. Talking about social coherence, we must also talk about young people, the youth. The youth are the largest constituency in our continent.

Not only in South Africa, but in our continent. Half of the African population is below 19-years-old. This is the largest constituency in Africa. This can be wonderful news but it can also be a major problem for us. It can be wonderful news because our democracy in South Africa and in Africa is inverse of that democracy in Europe, China and Japan. This, our countries and continents of asian population. There is no young people really in China or Japan. There have stopped having babies for some reason. Can Africa dream of being the future factory of the world instead of China? China is going to have a crunch in the next 10 or 20 years. Can we do that? What a wonderful prospect for us to have, that huge productivity of such young people can bring to our factories, our land and work place here. But in order to do that, we need to do two things:

The first thing will have to be attention to education and training of that group of young people. What are we preparing them for? Is our education system matching our business needs? Are we producing the kind of people that future jobs will require? Are we doing that? I am not sure. I was having a conversation an hour ago with the Vice Chancellor here and we both agreed that 2% of African students are studying agriculture, yet 70% of our people are living off the land. So we have an issue here of matching educational and training programmes to the job market. How many business people are involved in the educational process? I think none. That's the first issue.

The second issue is African economic integration. Only 11% of our trade is amongst the Africans. We refuse to let our people travel from one country to another. We always need a visa. And l also say, sadly, although being Sudanese, whenever l travel in Africa l always carry a British passport, because l am welcome.

My colleague here, a Member of our Board, had huge trouble in getting a visa to be able to join me here. He was a Secretary General of the United Nations, a board member, just to get a visa here is a major trouble. But with my British passport l am welcome here through your immigration lines. Is that acceptable?

And let us take this further, as 54 countries, we are all subscale. We only have 14 exchanges, stock markets. Only 6 or 7 of them have any liquidity. How can anybody start a business in a country which does not have a liquid stock exchange? If you are looking to invest money, you are looking at the Dollar, you are looking for the exits. We have countries that have farming, we have countries that have tomatoes rotting because we cannot move tomatoes from here to there. There is no scale.

If China was 54 different countries, would China have been where it is today? So let us get it clear in our heads that for us to move forward, we need to understand the important economic integration of Africa. We need freedom to move people, goods and capital across our borders. That is essential. So l think these are the two prerequisites. Simple. Its not difficult. We need to get that in order for us to move forward. And we have an amazing future. We are a very rich continent. But what happens if we fail? We have a tsunami of young people, millions of young Africans coming for jobs every year. Where will these jobs come from? This is a recipe for a serious upheaval.

Millions of young people without jobs and more important without hope, is a major problem. If you haven't locked up your doors and called the army, that is a bleak future to face. That is a very serious issue. l hope that our leaders, and not only South Africa but all across Africa, l wonder, can help us sleep tonight knowing that the tsunami of young people coming which we need to deal with it. Our future depends on how we are going to deal with those young people. That is the mother of all social cohesion issues we face.

Still on young people, given what is happening, given the demography of Africa, the majority of African people are under 19 years old. Below 25 years old is over 60% of the population. How much space do they have in the public arena? Who is listening to them? Are they invited to the table? The future they deserve is there. They understand the future better than us, and maybe they have better solutions than us. Have we had space for young people to come forward and join us in this process of thinking about what needs to be done? That is the challenge we need to deal with. 

Lets go back to the numbers, l love the numbers, I am an engineer. I say half the population are around 19-years-old. Do you know what is the medium age for African presidents? If you just compare the two numbers, you can see how divided we are. Where is the social cohesion here? This may be very interesting to note, Obama became president at 47-years-old. Clinton at 46-years-old. So people in their 40s are being elected to run a country that is not only the greatest super power, but it has a GDP economy of 15 trillion dollars a year - 15 times the total economy of Africa, which is about a trillion dollars.

And those guys who are 40-years-old are deemed to be able to run the United States of America. Here we have somebody in our neighbouring country, who at 90-years-old, is about to start a new term. So what is wrong with us? And the other day l was thinking, if Obama senior decied to take the young Obama back to Kenya, where would the young Obama be today? You may guess, l know, he will never be president of Kenya.

We cannot talk about social cohesion without talking also about another important thing in our society, women. 

Women are actually the pillar of the African economy.  Seventy percent of our population depend on land, on agriculture. Who does agriculture? Women do agriculture. They do agriculture, family and kids and also schools. And yet women have not yet been allowed the dignity they really deserve in our society. There still is this male dominated xenophobia about women and we have to admit that.

We have a problem here in Africa. And we really need to face the real problem. Rape is a terrible crime. Somehow it is widespread in Africa and widespread here in this country. That is not acceptable. So we cannot afford to lose what is vital productive element in our society, one essential for our social coherence.

One thing l have to say here, is that l really wish to commend the government and the people of South Africa, l note that you have quite a good number of women in government, in parliament, as heads of state, companies and parastatals. Actually you have a high percentage of women, higher than any African country, actually higher than any country in the world and that is a wonderful achievement. So we have great tolerance and acceptance of the role of women and they do amazing jobs, really, but in the rest of society we don't see that respect being reflected. We have a cultural issue and that is something we need to work on because culture is very difficult to change unless everybody is willing to work on that issue.

Just to mention in figures, Africa in general improved a lot on ratings over the past 10 years on gender issues. We moved 37% up so that's a great achievement over the past 10 years. But we are coming from a very low base so we should not pat ourselves on the back, not yet. There is a lot of work that needs to be done.

Now finally I would really like to say that South Africa matters. Of course it matters to you as South Africans, it also matters to us as Africans. We look up to you. You are the most advanced -  economically, industrially - country in Africa. We look in admiration to your wonderful struggle to freedom. We look at your founders, founding fathers, the great Mandela, he is our hero. He is an African icon. Not only for you, he is our hero too. So we expect a lot from you. And we will not refrain from being critical when we see you wavering and misbehaving because you matter for us. You are the locomotive. You are supposed to pull this region forward, economically, socially and culturally. We expect more from you.

Unfortunately we have a deficit in leadership in Africa. In all of our 54 countries, you will understand exactly what l mean.

We have a serious deficit in leadership. South Africa needs to step up and really play a better role in working with Africa. Leadership is not about bossing people around. Leadership is not about securing a seat on a security council on behalf of Africa or chairing the African Union.

The leadership we are looking for is true engagement with Africa. We need a cohesive voice for Africa and that cohesive voice you can really help formulate. We need a cohesive voice on the issues of transparency, tax evasion and a lesser transfer of funds, a lot of issues really important for Africa, where we really need your strong voice to be there.

You have a role to play in Africa by understanding Africa, by engaging with Africa. That is what we are looking for. We are waiting, don't keep us waiting for a long time.

***As transcribed

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Uganda: Rigged elections and mysterious killings … it's the Mugabe script with a different cast

Uganda: Rigged elections and mysterious killings … it's the Mugabe script with a different cast

Patience Akumu of the Kampala Observer asks why the west continues to back Uganda's leader for the last 27 years as his regime clamps down on dissent
UGANDA-RAID-MEDIA
A protester at the Daily Monitor newspaper in Kampala after Ugandan police raided their offices. Photograph: Afp/AFP/Getty Images
Much of the world looked on with dismay as Zimbabwe held another disputed presidential election this month, handing 89-year-old Robert Mugabe a seventh term in office. Newspapers sent their correspondents to report allegations of ballot fraud and intimidation. Television reports around the world featured the angry face of Morgan Tsvangirai as he denounced the election as a farce.
In Uganda, liberals and politicians rolled their eyes and sighed wearily. For we have our own Mugabe figure, but no one seems to care. For the last decade, Ugandan activists of various stripes have been trying to draw attention to Yoweri Kaguta Museveni's brutal regime. The difficulty is getting anyone to listen.
Museveni, 69, has ruled the country for 27 years, six fewer than Mugabe in Zimbabwe. But while the world recognises Mugabe as a dictator, Museveni is still, to them, the same blue-eyed boy who was once feted as the ideal of democracy and transformation in Africa.
Like Mugabe, Museveni came to power after a western-backed coup, apparently committed to democracy and speaking the language of human rights. His regime is credited for reforming the East African country's economy, which, after the ravages of the years of Idi Amin and Milton Obote, was on the verge of collapse, with inflation at more than 200% when Museveni took power in 1986. Uganda has made some strides in the fight against HIV/Aids and the country has enjoyed relative peace and stability. But his legacy is souring.
Before Museveni's drastic transformation from democrat to autocrat, he said that Africa's biggest problem was that leaders stayed too long in power. Today, he sings another tune, arguing it is important for leaders to "consolidate" their achievements. The latest Uganda Human Rights Commission Report shows that, just as in previous regimes, people are tortured and dissidents mysteriously disappear. Museveni seems to have suddenly decided that human rights are an import from the west that cannot be tolerated; and that democracy is compatible with a politician holding a life presidency – provided the person in power is a visionary like him.
In 2005 Museveni amended the constitution to remove term limits, allowing him to be a candidate for the presidency as many times as he wished. He has won the last three elections amid allegations of unlimited bribery, disenfranchisement, intimidation and violence. Attempts by the opposition to challenge the elections in court were futile. The legal system upheld them even though it was recognised that there was evidence of malpractice.
Rising inflation, fuel and food prices led to opposition-led protests in 2011. Museveni reacted by ferociously clamping down on all dissent. Ugandans got used to the sound of gunshots and the sting of teargas. Fearing an Arab spring kind of uprising, Museveni ordered the police to shoot whoever participated in the protests.
Opposition leaders who dare question Museveni's regime are routinely arrested and harassed. A recent investigation by Kampala's Observer newspaper, which I work for, found that opposition leader Kizza Besigye has been arrested and charged 34 times in five years. That figure does not include the times when security officials have simply barricaded his home and in effect prevented him from leaving his house. Or the other less high-profile politicians whose arrests may or may not make the local news, depending on their luck.
In May, Museveni shut down independent media in Uganda, after they published a general's memo claiming Museveni was grooming his son for the succession. General David Sejusa was forced to flee to the UK, fearing for his life. He has since joined the numerous opposition voices against Museveni.
Three months down the road, a law has now been passed forbidding public gatherings and political debate. Under the law, more than two people can meet in a public place only after notifying the police seven days in advance. The police have discretionary powers to stop such a meeting. The truth is that public debate was stifled long before the act. Parliament is also considering a law that will give the government power to shut down critical media.
So where is the international outrage when it comes to Uganda? In 2009, the world successfully put pressure on Uganda to drop the anti-homosexuality bill that proposed the death penalty for certain homosexual acts. Why, as the voices of protest and democracy are silenced, do the leaders of the western world continue to wine and dine Museveni? Why do they continue to hand over generous donations to Museveni's government that the people never see, turning a blind eye to issues of human rights and democracy?
Britain's Department for International Development budget for Uganda is £60m. Most of this money is supposedly intended for projects concerning democracy, health and human rights. Even with all that is happening in Uganda, the country is still masquerading as an African democracy.
It is not all bad. While half the population still live on less than a dollar a day, Uganda has halved poverty that was at 56% in the early 1990s. The country's economy is said to be growing and literacy rates stand at 73%, with more people attaining secondary education.
But look at this tale of rigged elections, opponents in exile, mysterious disappearances and killings, torture, clampdown on the media – it is the Mugabe script but with a different cast.
Inexorably consolidating his power, Museveni has built himself a mansion and stocked up on military jets. There is no sign he will step aside and he has promised he will be the one to usher the country into becoming a "middle income" state. This is a feat he has been having a go at for the last 27 years.
The reality is that Ugandans have been beaten into docility by hunger, disease, poverty and sheer need. The unprecedented rise in the cost of living and the deplorable state of hospitals have put the people in the exact position that Museveni and his cronies want them to be – a place where many are too worried about their next meal to care about abstract political ideas and rights.
Sure, the 1960s happened a long time ago and Africa cannot forever blame its ills on colonialism. But Ugandans cannot help but question the integrity of countries that continue to accommodate one dictator, while condemning the other. Tyrants who have squeezed life out of the country now coo about the new African revolution. And the world nods and cheers and promises Africa that things will improve. They will not. Not until the root of all this evil is totally uprooted.
Diplomacy may be the game, but what if it comes at too high a cost – more deaths, more disease and an eventual economic collapse? The argument often goes that Zimbabwe is an extreme case and Uganda still manages to function from day to day. Critics say this is nothing more than "western hypocrisy," a necessary evasion of responsibility because Museveni is still the west's "yes boy," in various international bodies.
The message is loud and clear to all dictators: you can arrest the opposition every other day, pass draconian laws and let your country wallow in poverty, as long as your troops are available for us when we need to go on a peace keeping mission in, say, Somalia. As long as you vote on our side when we sit on the [UN] Human Rights Council and sign as many human rights treaties as is required. Democracy? No, you do not have to be democratic. It is enough for you to appear democratic.
Patience Akumu was a winner of the 2013 David Astor journalism awards, nominated for her work on human rights in Uganda

Saturday, 17 August 2013

Finally, Rwanda is preaching diplomacy to Tanzania


Finally, Rwanda is preaching diplomacy to Tanzania

Mushikiwabo is complaining why Tanzania didn't consult Rwanda through diplomatic channels.

  • Anyway, her boss, Kagame, joined in the fracas doing worse than his inexperienced appointee. Again, arrogance was the sickness! YouTube was there to post it for anyone to hear that rubbish!

Mushikiwabo3

As we all know, for three months now senior officials of the Rwandan regime have been badmouthing President Jakaya Kikwete as a person and Tanzania as a country simply because he said something they didn't like.

The row started on May 26 in Addis Ababa in a brainstorming session when Kikwete suggested to the leaders of the African countries faced with rebel fighting – Uganda, Rwanda, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo – to hold talks with their enemies. The UN Secretary General, Ban Ki-Moon, was a witness.

Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni responded respectfully, but without any commitment, while Rwandan President Paul Kagame remained speechless. The DRC leader, President Joseph Kabila, agreed and things moved forward. No one was coerced into endorsing that advice.

Suddenly after the meeting, Rwandan Foreign minister Louise Mushikiwabo launched a tirade, insulting Kikwete and telling him to apologise. She said quite a lot, and clearly demonstrated the lack of diplomatic acumen that a foreign minister is expected to marshal.

Probably, Mushikiwabo wanted to appear tough, but actually (excuse my language) ended up looking stubborn and amateurish. Come on, if a head of state cannot insult another head of state, how can a mere minister dare to do so?

Anyway, her boss, Kagame, joined in the fracas doing worse than his inexperienced appointee. Again, arrogance was the sickness! YouTube was there to post it for anyone to hear that rubbish!

The group that Kikwete was referring to with regards to Rwanda is the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a claimed ethnic Hutu militia force linked to the 1994 genocide. Rwanda has failed to wipe out this bush group for 19 years now, hence, Kikwete's advice.

Anyway, fast forward to July 25, Kikwete is now in Kagera, the region that, frankly, is a second home to Rwandans on this earth. President Kikwete, as the Commander-in-Chief, while attending a Heroes Day ceremony, assured Tanzanians that our troops are ready to defend the country in case of any challenge. He did not mention any potential aggressor.

However, the press and Rwandan officials, and Malawians as well, made it a big deal twisting the otherwise very usual statement into a severe warning. Let us be serious, did they want the Commander-in-Chief of one of the most successful militaries in Africa, himself a retired military officer, to say the opposite?

Secondly, Kikwete, after hearing of the plight of Tanzanians living in the northwestern part of Tanzania, ordered all undocumented immigrants to get out of Tanzania within two weeks. Remember, according to our law, being an illegal immigrant is a crime.

Kikwete issued that order because he was tired of hearing that Tanzanians in that area live under the mercy of armed thugs from the neighbouring countries that we have been helping to stabilise for decades. That part of Tanzania is awash with small firearms from Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, and the DRC and they are spreading everywhere killing innocent Tanzanians.

Kikwete's order was meant to secure the area and make it easy for security organs to fulfil the mission. He did not aim at any specific populace as Rwandan officials now claim that Tanzania is expelling Rwandans as retaliation.

 

 

Retaliation? For what? Kikwete is on the record on July 31 as having said that although Tanzania is shocked with how Rwanda has chosen to behave, the country harbours no ill intent against its neighbour.

As we speak, several thousand Rwandans who were living illegally in Tanzania have already crossed border back to their country of origin. What is wrong with that?

Now, suddenly, the "tough" Mushikiwabo is complaining why Tanzania didn't consult Rwanda through diplomatic channels. She even added that since the two countries belong to the East African Community (EAC), then this matter should have been handled differently.

Now, abruptly, diplomacy exists? Oh! And even the EAC exists as well! Gosh! We thought the two did not exist that is why Kagame and Mushikiwabo had to say what they said against Tanzania and Kikwete!

It must be known that, Tanzania is not expelling Rwandans; Tanzania is only allowing undocumented immigrants, not only Africans, but everybody to immediately return to their home countries without facing any trial. Nothing more!

Any other suggestion that Tanzania is punishing Rwanda is unfortunate, and so is the thinking that Tanzania was readying itself for military action against one or two smaller countries.

I think Rwandan officials need to swallow their pride and respect Tanzanians for what we have done for them in the last fifty years, a reason why many Rwandans are living in Tanzania today.

We all know why Rwanda is angry at Tanzania, and Kikwete's advice is not the real reason. But anyway, it is good that Rwandan officials are now preaching diplomacy!


Finally, Rwanda is preaching diplomacy to Tanzania


Finally, Rwanda is preaching diplomacy to Tanzania

Mushikiwabo is complaining why Tanzania didn't consult Rwanda through diplomatic channels.

  • Anyway, her boss, Kagame, joined in the fracas doing worse than his inexperienced appointee. Again, arrogance was the sickness! YouTube was there to post it for anyone to hear that rubbish!

Mushikiwabo3

As we all know, for three months now senior officials of the Rwandan regime have been badmouthing President Jakaya Kikwete as a person and Tanzania as a country simply because he said something they didn't like.

The row started on May 26 in Addis Ababa in a brainstorming session when Kikwete suggested to the leaders of the African countries faced with rebel fighting – Uganda, Rwanda, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo – to hold talks with their enemies. The UN Secretary General, Ban Ki-Moon, was a witness.

Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni responded respectfully, but without any commitment, while Rwandan President Paul Kagame remained speechless. The DRC leader, President Joseph Kabila, agreed and things moved forward. No one was coerced into endorsing that advice.

Suddenly after the meeting, Rwandan Foreign minister Louise Mushikiwabo launched a tirade, insulting Kikwete and telling him to apologise. She said quite a lot, and clearly demonstrated the lack of diplomatic acumen that a foreign minister is expected to marshal.

Probably, Mushikiwabo wanted to appear tough, but actually (excuse my language) ended up looking stubborn and amateurish. Come on, if a head of state cannot insult another head of state, how can a mere minister dare to do so?

Anyway, her boss, Kagame, joined in the fracas doing worse than his inexperienced appointee. Again, arrogance was the sickness! YouTube was there to post it for anyone to hear that rubbish!

The group that Kikwete was referring to with regards to Rwanda is the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a claimed ethnic Hutu militia force linked to the 1994 genocide. Rwanda has failed to wipe out this bush group for 19 years now, hence, Kikwete's advice.

Anyway, fast forward to July 25, Kikwete is now in Kagera, the region that, frankly, is a second home to Rwandans on this earth. President Kikwete, as the Commander-in-Chief, while attending a Heroes Day ceremony, assured Tanzanians that our troops are ready to defend the country in case of any challenge. He did not mention any potential aggressor.

However, the press and Rwandan officials, and Malawians as well, made it a big deal twisting the otherwise very usual statement into a severe warning. Let us be serious, did they want the Commander-in-Chief of one of the most successful militaries in Africa, himself a retired military officer, to say the opposite?

Secondly, Kikwete, after hearing of the plight of Tanzanians living in the northwestern part of Tanzania, ordered all undocumented immigrants to get out of Tanzania within two weeks. Remember, according to our law, being an illegal immigrant is a crime.

Kikwete issued that order because he was tired of hearing that Tanzanians in that area live under the mercy of armed thugs from the neighbouring countries that we have been helping to stabilise for decades. That part of Tanzania is awash with small firearms from Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, and the DRC and they are spreading everywhere killing innocent Tanzanians.

Kikwete's order was meant to secure the area and make it easy for security organs to fulfil the mission. He did not aim at any specific populace as Rwandan officials now claim that Tanzania is expelling Rwandans as retaliation.

 

 

Retaliation? For what? Kikwete is on the record on July 31 as having said that although Tanzania is shocked with how Rwanda has chosen to behave, the country harbours no ill intent against its neighbour.

As we speak, several thousand Rwandans who were living illegally in Tanzania have already crossed border back to their country of origin. What is wrong with that?

Now, suddenly, the "tough" Mushikiwabo is complaining why Tanzania didn't consult Rwanda through diplomatic channels. She even added that since the two countries belong to the East African Community (EAC), then this matter should have been handled differently.

Now, abruptly, diplomacy exists? Oh! And even the EAC exists as well! Gosh! We thought the two did not exist that is why Kagame and Mushikiwabo had to say what they said against Tanzania and Kikwete!

It must be known that, Tanzania is not expelling Rwandans; Tanzania is only allowing undocumented immigrants, not only Africans, but everybody to immediately return to their home countries without facing any trial. Nothing more!

Any other suggestion that Tanzania is punishing Rwanda is unfortunate, and so is the thinking that Tanzania was readying itself for military action against one or two smaller countries.

I think Rwandan officials need to swallow their pride and respect Tanzanians for what we have done for them in the last fifty years, a reason why many Rwandans are living in Tanzania today.

We all know why Rwanda is angry at Tanzania, and Kikwete's advice is not the real reason. But anyway, it is good that Rwandan officials are now preaching diplomacy!


-“The root cause of the Rwandan tragedy of 1994 is the long and past historical ethnic dominance of one minority ethnic group to the other majority ethnic group. Ignoring this reality is giving a black cheque for the Rwandan people’s future and deepening resentment, hostility and hatred between the two groups.”

-« Ce dont j’ai le plus peur, c’est des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre ».

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

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