Pages

Wednesday, 3 July 2013

Egypt's army ousts Morsi, who calls it a 'coup'


Egypt's army ousts Morsi, who calls it a 'coup'

  • Dislike
This image made from video shows Lt. Gen. Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi addressing the nation on Egyptian State Television Wednesday, July 3, 2013. Egypt's military chief says president is replaced by chief justice of constitutional court. (AP Photo/Egyptian State Television)
.
View gallery
  • .
  • .
  • .
  • .
Associated Press 
CAIRO (AP) — Egypt's first democratically elected president was overthrown by the military Wednesday, ousted after just one year in office by the same kind of Arab Spring uprising that brought the Islamist leader to power.
The armed forces announced they would install a temporary civilian government to replace Islamist President Mohammed Morsi, who denounced the action as a "full coup" by the generals. They also suspended the Islamist-drafted constitution and called for new elections.
Millions of anti-Morsi protesters around the country erupted in celebrations after the televised announcement by the army chief. Fireworks burst over crowds in Cairo's Tahrir Square, where men and women danced, shouting, "God is great" and "Long live Egypt."
Fearing a violent reaction by Morsi's Islamist supporters, troops and armored vehicles deployed in the streets of Cairo and elsewhere, surrounding Islamist rallies. Clashes erupted in several provincial cities when Islamists opened fire on police, with at least nine people killed, security officials said.
Gehad el-Haddad, a spokesman for the Muslim Brotherhood party, said Morsi was under house arrest at a Presidential Guard facility where he had been residing, and 12 presidential aides also were under house arrest.
The army took control of state media and blacked out TV stations operated by the Muslim Brotherhood. The head of the Brotherhood's political wing was arrested.
The ouster of Morsi throws Egypt on an uncertain course, with a danger of further confrontation. It came after four days of mass demonstrations even larger than those of the 2011 Arab Spring that toppled longtime autocrat Hosni Mubarak.
Egyptians were angered that Morsi was giving too much power to his Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamists and had failed to tackle the country's mounting economic woes.
Beyond the fears over violence, some protesters are concerned whether an army-installed administration can lead to real democracy.
President Barack Obama urged the military to hand back control to a democratic, civilian government as soon as possible but stopped short of calling it a coup d'etat.
He said he was "deeply concerned" by the military's move to topple Morsi's government and suspend Egypt's constitution. He said he was ordering the U.S. government to assess what the military's actions meant for U.S. foreign aid to Egypt — $1.5 billion a year in military and economic assistance.
The U.S. wasn't taking sides in the conflict, committing itself only to democracy and respect for the rule of law, Obama said.
On Monday, army chief Gen. Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi had given Morsi an ultimatum to find a solution to meet the demands of anti-government demonstrators in 48 hours, but the 62-year-old former engineer defiantly insisted on his legitimacy from an election he won with 51.7 percent of the vote in June 2012.
Any deal was a near impossibility, however, making it inevitable the military would move.
As the deadline approached, el-Sissi met with pro-reform leader Mohammed ElBaradei, top Muslim cleric Sheik Ahmed el-Tayeb and Coptic Pope Tawadros II, as well as opposition activists and some members of the ultraconservative Salafi movements. The consultations apparently were aimed at bringing as wide a consensus as possible behind the army's moves.
The Brotherhood boycotted the session, according to its political arm the Freedom and Justice Party.
In a last-minute statement before the deadline, Morsi again rejected the military's intervention, saying abiding by his electoral legitimacy was the only way to prevent violence. He criticized the military for "taking only one side."
"One mistake that cannot be accepted, and I say this as president of all Egyptians, is to take sides," he said in the statement issued by his office. "Justice dictates that the voice of the masses from all squares should be heard," he said, repeating his offer to hold dialogue with his opponents.
"For the sake of Egypt and for historical accuracy, let's call what is happening by its real name: Military coup," Morsi's top foreign policy adviser Essam al-Haddad wrote on his Facebook page.
After the deadline expired, el-Sissi went on state TV and said the chief justice of the Supreme Constitutional Court, Adly Mansour, would step in as interim president until new elections are held. Mansour was appointed to the court by Mubarak but elevated to the chief justice post by Morsi and will be sworn in Thursday by judges of his court.
Flanked by Muslim and Christian clerics as well as ElBaradei and two opposition activists, el-Sissi said a government of technocrats would be formed with "full powers" to run the country.
He promised "not to exclude anyone or any movement" from further steps. But he did not define the length of the transition period or when presidential elections would be held. He also did not mention any role for the military.
The constitution, drafted by Morsi's Islamist allies, was "temporarily suspended," and a panel of experts and representatives of all political movements will consider amendments, el-Sissi said. He did not say whether a referendum would be held to ratify the changes, as customary.
ElBaradei, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate and the former head of the U.N. nuclear watchdog agency, said he hoped the military plan "is the beginning of a new launch for the Jan. 25 revolution when people offered their dearest to restore their freedom, dignity and social justice for every Egyptian."
Also appearing with el-Sissi was Mahmoud Badr, one of two representatives of Tamarod, or Rebel — the youth opposition movement that engineered the latest wave of protests. He urged protesters "to stay in the squares to protect what we have won."
After the speech, fireworks burst over crowds dancing and waving flags in Cairo's Tahrir Square, epicenter of the 2011 uprising. Now it was one of multiple centers of a stunning four-day anti-Morsi revolt that brought out the biggest anti-government rallies Egypt has seen.
"Don't ask me if I am happy. Just look around you at all those people, young and old. They are all happy," said 25-year-old Mohammed Nageh, shouting to be heard in Tahrir. "For the first time, people have really won their liberty."
A statement from Morsi's office's Twitter account quoted Morsi as saying the military's measures "represent a full coup categorically rejected by all the free men of our nation."
The army insisted it is not carrying out a coup, but acting on the will of the people to clear the way for a new leadership. El-Sissi warned that the armed forces, police will deal "decisively" with violence.
Some of Morsi's Islamist backers, tens of thousands of whom took to the streets in recent days, have vowed to fight to the end, although he urged everyone "to adhere to peacefulness and avoid shedding blood of fellow countrymen."
"Down with the rule of the military!" some of them chanted after el-Sissi's speech, reviving a chant used by leftist revolutionaries during the nearly 17 months of direct military rule that followed Mubarak's removal.
El-Sissi warned that the armed forces and police will deal "decisively" with violence.
The army deployed troops, commandos and armored vehicles around the country. In Cairo, they were stationed on bridges over the Nile and at major intersections. They also surrounded rallies being held by Morsi's supporters — an apparent move to contain them.
After the military's 9:20 p.m. announcement, the Brotherhood's TV station went black. Islamist TV networks that have been accused of inciting violence also went off the air and some of their prominent anchors have been arrested, according to security officials speaking on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak to the media.
Security forces stormed the studio of Al-Jazeera Misr Mubasher and detained the staffers. The station, a branch of Qatari-run Al-Jazeera TV, has maintained a generally pro-Morsi line.
Travel bans were imposed on Morsi and top figures from the Muslim Brotherhood including its chief Mohammed Badie and his powerful deputy Khairat el-Shater. Officials said security forces had surrounded Badie inside a tourist compound where he had been staying in the Mediterranean coastal city of Marsa Matrouh, near the Libyan border.
A security official said Saad el-Katatni, the head of the Freedom and Justice Party, and Rashad Bayoumi, one of two deputies of the Brotherhood's top leader, were arrested early Thursday. The official spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to talk to the press.
El-Haddad, the Brotherhood party's spokesman, said a list has been drawn up of hundreds of Brotherhood members believed wanted for arrest, including himself.
"We don't know the details. The army is not giving details," he told The Associated Press. "It is a full-fledged coup and it is turning into a bloody one too. They are arresting everybody."
Police shot dead six Islamists who opened fire on Marsa Matrouh's police headquarters as they drove past. Morsi supporters tried to storm a police station in the southern city of Minya, but where battled back by police, killing three, while other Islamists destroyed cars and shops and threw stones at a church in the nearby city of Deir Mawas, while police fired tear gas at them. Police and armed Morsi supporters also battled in the southern city of Assiut, another Islamist stronghold.
Nearly 50 people have been killed in clashes between Morsi supporters and opponents since Sunday.
Morsi took office vowing to move beyond his roots in the Muslim Brotherhood, but his presidency threw the country into deep polarization. Those who took to the streets this week say he lost his electoral legitimacy because he tried to give the Brotherhood and Islamist allies a monopoly on power, pushed through a constitution largely written by his allies and mismanaged the country's multiple crises.
"Now we want a president who would really be the president of all Egyptians and will work for the country," according to Said Shahin, a 19-year-old protester in Tahrir. He fell to the ground to pray as soon as el-Sissi spoke.
Badr, the Tamarod movement spokesman, praised the crowds in the streets saying, they succeeded in "putting your revolution back on track."
"Let's start a new page, a new page based on participation," he wrote on his Twitter account. "Our hand is extended to all."
Morsi and his allies say the opposition never accepted their appeals for dialogue — seen by opponents as empty gestures — and that Mubarak loyalists throughout the government sabotaged their attempts to bring change.
Rizk Gamil, a 44-year-old driver, brought his wife to Tahrir to celebrate after el-Sissi announcement. "Today is a day of joy. Today is the day we liberated Egypt from Brotherhood occupation," he said.
A major question now is whether the Brotherhood and other Islamists will push back against the new, military-installed system or can be drawn into it.
___
Associated Press reporters Tony G. Gabriel and Mariam Rizk contributed to this report.

Tuesday, 2 July 2013

Malijet Grégoire de Saint-Quentin «Barrera» et Jean-Bosco Kazura : Deux protagonistes du conflit rwandais de 1994 au chevet du Mali Mali Bamako


Grégoire de Saint-Quentin «Barrera» et Jean-Bosco Kazura : Deux protagonistes du conflit rwandais de 1994 au chevet du Mali

Remarks by President Obama and President Kikwete of Tanzania at Joint Press Conference


Remarks by President Obama and President Kikwete of Tanzania at Joint Press Conference

State House
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
5:09 P.M. EAT
PRESIDENT KIKWETE:  You Excellency, Barack Obama, President of the United States of America -- Mr. President, let me once again welcome you and the U.S. First Lady, and your entire delegation to Tanzania.   
 
I thank you, Mr. President, for accepting my invitation to visit Tanzania.  The people of Tanzania love you.  (Applause.)
 
You have seen the outpouring of warmth.  There has never been a visit by head of state to Tanzania that has attracted such big crowds like the one -- the first one of its kind.  Thank you for coming. 
 
Mr. President, Tanzania and the United States enjoy an excellent relationship.  We see eye to eye on many regional and global issues.  We have been receiving invaluable support in our development endeavors.  The lives of the people of Tanzania are different today thanks in many ways to the support and engaging from the United States of America -- support in health care, support in education.  And health care has made many people, many lives to be saved.  In education, many young men and women of Tanzania had to get -- education. 
 
Support in food security, nutrition security is increasingly building Tanzania's capacity for self-sufficiency and food supply.  And we're already getting there with regards to rice. 
 
Support in infrastructure development, in the road sector, in electricity, in the water sector has made many Tanzanians get these services, which otherwise they would not have been getting them.  We applaud programs like the Millennium Challenge compact; PEPFAR, against HIV/AIDS and malaria.  And your own brainchild, Feed the Future; Partnership for Growth; New Alliance for Food and Nutrition Security -- these have proven to be very useful in supporting the development efforts.
 
Mr. President, we had very fruitful discussions today.  We discussed many issues of mutual interest and mutual concern.  Again, I will say, President, thank you for coming.  And your words of support during the official talks, and readiness to continue to support Tanzania in our development endeavors goes a long way.  It was assuring us in you, and in the United States, we have a true friend indeed.
 
Mr. President, welcome.  (Applause.)
 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you so much.  Thank you.  Well, thank you so much, President Kikwete, for your very kind words and for the incredible welcome that I've received here in Dar es Salaam.  This is my first visit to Tanzania, but I feel a special connection to this country.  Obviously, my family on my father's side is from East Africa.  They spent some time actually in Tanzania.  And so, the love Michelle and I and the girls have felt on our arrival, I want to assure you that love is reciprocated and given back in return.  So, habari zenu.  (Applause.) 
 
Now, President Kikwete was the first African leader I welcomed to the White House after I took office.  I was pleased to welcome him to Washington last year for the launch of our New Alliance on Food Security.  And as the President indicated, we had excellent discussions today.  Our visits and work together reflect the long relationship between our countries and our shared commitment to the development and the dignity of the people of Tanzania.
 
My visit comes on the 50th anniversary of a key moment in our relationship -- when President Kennedy welcomed to the White House the father of your nation, President Julius Nyerere.  Tanzania was one of the first countries to welcome the Peace Corps.  That spirit of friendship continues.  Tanzania is a close partner, as the President indicated, on almost all our major development initiatives.  And this reflects our confidence in the people of Tanzania that, with the right steps, Tanzania has the potential to unlock new economic growth not only in this country but all across East Africa.
 
For example, Tanzanians continue to work to strengthen their democracy.  Parliament, opposition groups, civil society groups, and journalists are all doing their part to advance the good governance and transparency upon which democracy and prosperity depend.
 
And I want to commend President Kikwete on your reform efforts to strengthen institutions, improve the delivery of basic services, and make government more responsive to the Tanzanian people.  And I also want to salute you and President Shein of Zanzibar and the Tanzanian people for embarking on a vital constitutional process that will determine the future of this nation and its democracy.
 
President Kikwete and I agreed to keep tackling the hurdles of greater economic growth, starting with the sector where the vast majority of Tanzanians work, and that's in the agricultural sector.  As has been mentioned, our Feed the Future program has allowed us to work together to help more than 14,000 farmers here to better manage their crops and increase their yields by almost 50 percent.  That means higher incomes and a ladder for families and communities to greater prosperity.  And we're very proud of the work we've done with the Tanzanian government.
 
We discussed the importance of creating opportunities for Tanzanian youth, and I'm hopeful that young men and women here will apply for the new fellows program that I've announced this week so that we can partner with them as we seek new ways to serve, working with young people, their communities, and to help them start new companies and create new jobs.
 
I want to congratulate Tanzania on nearing completion of the largest Millennium Challenge compact in the world, which has benefited millions of Tanzanians with new roads and improved access to water and electricity.  And Tanzania is also one of the first four countries selected for our Partnership for Growth, and its investments in key areas -- new and improved roads, reforms to the energy sector -- that can help lift people out of poverty and unlock economic growth.
 
And I'm also pleased that Tanzania is going to be one of the first participants in the new effort that I announced yesterday -- Power Africa -- with its goal of doubling access to electricity.  (Applause.)  This will mean more reliable and affordable electricity for more Tanzanians, and it's something that we want to spread all across the continent.  Later today, I'll be announcing another initiative to improve trade with and within Africa, starting here with the East African Community.
 
On health, we're going to continue our efforts, which are saving lives.  Here in Tanzania, we're working together; we've seen dramatic decreases in malaria and child deaths in part because of the support that we've been able to provide.  Fewer people are being infected with HIV, more people are being treated.  We're reaching more than 1.2 million Tanzanians with care and support through PEPFAR, including more than 500,000 vulnerable children and orphans.  So we're going to keep up that fight.
 
Regionally, I thanked President Kikwete for Tanzania's contribution to security, including its peacekeepers in Darfur and the Congo.  On the Congo, we agreed that all parties need to implement their commitments under the Framework for Peace, that armed groups need to lay down their arms, and human rights abusers need to be held accountable.  And I very much want to commend President Kikwete as well for the leadership role that he's played in the Southern African Development Community on the issue of Zimbabwe.  (Applause.)  We agree that the threats and intimidation of citizens are unacceptable and must stop, and that further reforms are needed to create the conditions for free, fair, and credible elections that will put Zimbabwe on a path of success and prosperity.
And finally, we discussed an issue that's inseparable from Africa's identity and prosperity -- and that's its wildlife.  Tourists from around the world, including the United States, come here -- especially to Tanzania -- to experience its natural beauty and its national parks, and that's obviously an important part of the economy of this country.  But poaching and trafficking is threatening Africa's wildlife, so today I issued a new executive order to better organize U.S. government efforts in this fight so that we can cooperate further with the Tanzanian government and others.  And this includes additional millions of dollars to help countries across the region build their capacity to meet this challenge, because the entire world has a stake in making sure that we preserve Africa's beauty for future generations.
 
So, again, Mr. President, thank you so much for your leadership and for your commitment to the partnership between our two nations.  We've covered a lot of ground today.  One last point I need to make, and that is the President and I are both basketball fans.  We did not discuss Hasheem Thabeet, who plays in the NBA, but maybe next time we'll have a chance to talk about that.  (Laughter and applause.)  So, asante.  (Applause.)  Asante sana.
 
Q    Your Excellencies, my name is Peter Ambilikile from Jamboree Newspaper.  My question is for both of you, starting with President Obama.  President Obama, are you satisfied with the aid that your country provides to Tanzania, especially the MCC?  Second question goes to President Kikwete.  Do you believe that U.S.A. is doing enough to support our country, Tanzania?  That's all, thanks.
 
 PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, not only do I think that what we're doing is important, but we have proof that U.S. assistance is making a difference.  Because of our programs, you've reduced incidents of malaria.  Because of our programs, you've reduced child and infant mortality.  Because of our programs, there are roads that are being built here; farmers are seeing crops with better yields and are better able to get them to market because of new roads. 
 
The MCC I think has been so successful here in Tanzania that phase one is near completion, and I know that Tanzania is going to be eligible for applying for phase two.  And when it comes to Power Africa, the new program that I'm announcing, I think there's enormous potential here in Tanzania to start getting electricity out into villages in rural areas, more reliable service that can then power manufacturing, power new businesses which creates more jobs, creates more demand.  And we can do it using clean energy and not just some of the traditional sources.
 
Now, what I would say is -- and I've said this throughout Africa -- we are looking at a new model that's based not just on aid and assistance, but on trade and partnership.  And increasingly, what we want to do is use whatever monies that we're providing to build capacity.  So we don't want to just provide the medicine, we want to help build the health infrastructures that allow Tanzanians to improve their overall health systems. 
 
We don't want to just provide food, we want to increase food self-sufficiency.  When it comes to power, we're not just building power plants ourselves -- we're working with the various governments that are involved to think about what are the laws and regulations that are required to sustain it, and how do we leverage the private sector to put more money in.  So we're coming up with $7, $8 billion of U.S. government money on our Power Africa program but we're also already obtaining about $9 billion worth of commitments from the private sector. 
 
So ultimately, the goal here is for Africa to build Africa for Africans.  And our job is to be a partner in that process, and Tanzania has been one of our best partners.
 
PRESIDENT KIKWETE:  I think the issue of satisfied with MCC should have been asked me.  MCC has been a great assistance from the United States government to the people of Tanzania.  There are three sectors here. 
 
There is the road sector.  And a good thing about the MCC is that we decide on the areas or the sectors that we need assistance.  But even we decide on where.  For example, in the case of roads, there are roads that we've talked to many donors who are not ready to support us.  But when you said there is going to be support on roads, I said, let's try these roads.  Let's see what the Americans are going to say.  The Americans said, fine -- if you think you need these roads, fine, we'll give you the money.
 
Those, Tanzanians, fellow Tanzanians know Namtumbo, Songea, Binga, Tunduma, Sumbawanga, Tanga, Horo Horo -- the roads in Pemba.  But we chose those roads, because these roads are actually in our breadbasket areas.  This is where we get the corn -- Ruvuma, Rukwa, Mbeya.  We decided -- we chose the U.S. to assist us to increase water supply to Dar es Salaam.  It was our decision.  The project is now being implemented.  With electricity, we said one of our biggest problems is access to electricity for people in the rural areas.  The U.S. said, fine.  We have grid in 10 regions of Tanzania.  Coverage of electricity has increased from 10 percent to 21 percent.  It's a phenomenal increase.
 
So I want to underscore the fact that I'm satisfied with the support from MCC.  Is the U.S. doing enough?  The U.S. has done a lot.  But if I say they have done enough, then the President will not listen to my new requests.  (Laughter.)  But so far, so good.  (Laughter.)
 
Death from malaria has declined by over 50 percent.  Infant mortality rates have declined.  HIV infections have declined.  Through the PMTCT, Prevention of Mother-to-Child Transmission, more children born by HIV-infected mothers are born free of the disease. 
 
The U.S. has supported us with over 2 million books.  And today, I asked the President we want another 2 million.  He says, you talk to -- and I have seen from their faces that they are in agreement with the President.  (Laughter.)  So that when it comes to science and mathematics books, we'll have every Tanzanian child have a book of his or her own, instead of the ratios they are talking today, 5 to 1 -- now 3 to 1.  So the list is endless.  We have a lot of support.  We are very appreciative, very thankful.  It has really helped change the lives of our people.  But if they can do more, please.
 
Q    Mr. President, President Kikwete, thank you very much.  Mr. President, these scenes in Egypt suggest that Mohamed Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood government have lost the support of the Egyptian people.  When we saw similar protesting against Mubarak, you called on Mubarak to step down.  By all accounts, these protests are even bigger.  So my question is, is it time for Morsi to go?  And does any of this cause you to reconsider the hundreds of millions of dollars -- even billions of dollars -- in aid the United States gives Morsi's government?
 
And, President Kikwete, if I can ask you -- actually both of you -- to comment on the significance of President Obama's trip here to Africa and the fact that tomorrow we will see in what I believe is a first of two U.S. Presidents, President Bush and President Obama together in a public appearance here in Tanzania.
 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Obviously, we're all concerned about what's happening in Egypt, and we've been monitoring it very closely.  Our commitment to Egypt has never been around any particular individual or party.  Our commitment has been to a process.  And when I took a position that it was time for Egypt to transition, it was based on the fact that Egypt had not had a democratic government for decades, if ever.  And that's what the people were calling for. 
 
They went through an election process that, by all accounts, were legitimate.  And Mr. Morsi was elected.  And the U.S. government's attitude has been we would deal with a democratically elected government.  What we've also said is that democracy is not just about elections, it's also about how are you working with an opposition; how do you treat dissenting voices; how do you treat minority groups.  And what is clear right now is that although Mr. Morsi was elected democratically, there's more work to be done to create the conditions in which everybody feels that their voices are heard, and that the government is responsive and truly representative. 
 
And so what we've encouraged the government to do is to reach out to the opposition and work through these issues in a political process.  It's not the U.S.'s job to determine what that process is.  But what we have said is, go through processes that are legitimate and observe rule of law.
 
Now, obviously, we've been watching these big protests.  Our number-one priority has been making sure that our embassies and consulates are protected.  Number two, what we've consistently insisted on is that all parties involved -- whether it's members of Mr. Morsi's party or the opposition -- that they remain peaceful.  And although we have not seen the kind of violence that many had feared so far, the potential remains there, and everybody has to show restraint.
 
I should add, by the way, we have seen many reports of women being assaulted in these protests.  And for those who are participating in these protests or marches, assaulting women does not qualify as peaceful protests. 
 
So we're going to continue to work with all parties inside of Egypt to try to channel this through legal, legitimate processes.  But I do think that if the situation is going to resolve itself for the benefit of Egypt over the long term, then all the parties there have to step back from maximalist positions.  Democracies don't work when everybody says it's the other person's fault and I want 100 percent of what I want.
 
And the good thing about the United States and other mature democracies is you work through processes that force compromise, and those get institutionalized.  But, look, we've had 200-plus years of practice at it.  This is still new in Egypt.  And so they're going to have to work through these things.  The key is making sure that they don't work through them in a violent fashion.  But our position has always been it's not our job to choose who Egypt's leaders are.  We do want to make sure that all the voices are heard and is done in a peaceful way.
 
I know you directed the question to President Kikwete, but my appearance with President Bush tomorrow -- and I know the First Lady is going to be seeing Laura Bush -- I think this is just another opportunity for me to reiterate what I said in South Africa yesterday when we were at an HIV/AIDS clinic that has saved lives because of the U.S. PEPFAR program that President Bush started.  I think this is one of his crowning achievements. 
 
Because of the commitment of the Bush administration and the American people, millions of people's lives have been saved.  Antiretroviral drugs have been made available to people who didn't have them before, and they, even if they were infected with the disease, could look forward to a decent life.  Children have been able to avoid infection because of that work.  And we've continued that work, and we are going to continue that work.
 
One thing I do think is worth mentioning is that there's been some suggestion that somehow we've reduced our commitment there.  The fact of the matter is, is that we are serving four times the number of people today than we were when PEPFAR first began.  But because we've gotten better at it and more efficient at it, we're doing it at reduced costs, and then we're not taking that money out of global health; what we're doing is we're putting it back into things like tuberculosis and malaria alleviation, which is making sure that more people's lives are saved because HIV/AIDS is not the only disease that is affecting people here in Africa.  And you have public health crises in some of these other areas as well.  
 
But this indicates how timely the PEPFAR program was.  And the bipartisan support that it has received has been extraordinary, and President Bush deserves enormous credit for that.  And so, I'm looking forward to being able, on African soil, to once again thank him on behalf of the American people for showing how American generosity and foresight could end up making a real difference in people's lives. 
 
Q    And the U.S. aid to Egypt?
 
 PRESIDENT OBAMA:   Well, Jonathan, I have to say that your numbers on U.S. aid to Egypt were a little bit imprecise.  We have some regular assistance that we provide Egypt.  We have some dollars that have been held up and have to be approved by Congress.  But the way we make decisions about assistance to Egypt is based on are they in fact following rule of law and democratic procedures.  And we don't make those decisions just by counting the number of heads in a protest march, but we do make decisions based on whether or not a government is listening to the opposition, maintaining a free press, maintaining freedom of assembly, not using violence or intimidation, conducting fair and free elections.  And those are the kinds of things that we're examining, and we press the Egyptian government very hard on those issues.
 
PRESIDENT KIKWETE:  Is President Obama's visit significant?  Very significant.  Why am I saying so?  Africa needs the United States.  The United States needs Africa.  And the only way you can build this relationship is through exchange of visits, and visits at the highest level speaks volumes about doing that.
 
So I would say the visit of President Obama to Africa consolidates existing relations, but also advances them to greater heights for the mutual benefits of our two countries and our two peoples.
 
President Bush and Madam Laura Bush are visiting Tanzania.  The George Bush Foundation has programs supporting African first ladies in the work that they do in their respective countries, particularly supporting women groups and supporting girls with regards to education and empowerment. 
 
Were we excited?  We have the President and the former President in Tanzania at the same time.  It's a blessing to this country. 
 
Q    My question to President Obama -- Mr. President, there has been no peace in Congo for almost 20 years now.  As a powerful nation in the world and a permanent member of the Security Council with a lot of influence to major players of the Congo conflict, how is the U.S. going to assist the DRC and Great Lakes to reach a permanent peace?  Thank you. 
 
 PRESIDENT OBAMA:   Well, the people of Congo need a chance.  They need a fair chance to live their lives, raise their families.  And they haven't had that opportunity because of constant conflict and war for way too many years.  And of course, the tragedy is compounded by the fact that Congo is so rich in natural resources and potential, but because of this constant conflict and instability, the people of Congo haven't benefitted from that. 
 
I want to congratulate, again, President Kikwete and others who have helped to shape a peace framework.  Because one of the things that I've said throughout this trip is, the United States doesn't seek to impose solutions on Africa.  We want to work with Africans to find solutions to some of these ongoing security and regional problems.
 
And so, the fact that you now have a peace framework that the various parties have signed onto is critical.  But it can't just be a piece of paper; there has to be follow-through.  And so, one of the things that I discussed with President Kikwete is how we can encourage all the parties concerned to follow through on commitments that they've made in order to bring about a lasting solution inside of Congo.  That means, for example, that President Kabila inside of Congo, he has to do more and better when it comes to dealing with the DRC's capacity on security issues and delivery of services.  And that's very important, because if there's a continuing vacuum there, then that vacuum sometimes gets filled by actors that don't have the best interests of Congo at heart.  And we're prepared to work the United Nations and regional organizations and others to help him build capacity.
 
The countries surrounding the Congo, they've got to make commitments to stop funding armed groups that are encroaching on the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Congo.  And they've signed onto a piece of paper now, now the question is do they follow through. 
 
And so, we're prepared to work with anybody to try to make this happen.  Ultimately, though, the countries involved have to recognize it is in their self-interest to do so.  We can't force a solution onto the region.  The peoples of the region have to stand up and say that's enough; it's time to move forward in a different way.  And, by the way, that means holding those who've committed gross human rights abuses accountable for what they've done.
 
But there's an opportunity for peace here.  And the countries surrounding the Congo should recognize that if the Congo stabilizes, that will improve the prospects for their growth and their prosperity, because right now, it's as if you have a millstone around your neck.  If you have one of the biggest countries in terms of geography in all of Africa with all these natural resources, but it's constantly a problem as opposed to being part of the solution, everybody suffers. 
 
Tanzania should be doing more trade with the DRC.  Rwanda should be doing more trade and commerce with the DRC.  One of the things we're talking about it how do we get more inter-Africa trade, because if countries like Tanzania are going to improve their economic position in the globe, the first thing they have to do is to make sure they can trade with each other more effectively. 
 
Right now, in Africa -- this is true not just in Tanzania, but in Kenya and Uganda and other places -- it's easier to send flowers or coffee to Europe than it is to send it across the way.  And that means that fewer businesses are getting started and fewer jobs are being created.
 
So we want to work with the existing international structures like the United Nations, and we're supportive of the brigade that's been shaped and in which Tanzania is making a contribution.  But ultimately, it's going to be the African countries themselves that have to follow up on the commitments that they've already made. 
 
Q    President Obama, President Kikwete, thank you very much.  President Obama, the first question goes to you, and I want to get your reaction to a breaking news alert that just came in a few minutes ago.  According to Reuters, a senior Russian security official says that you and President Putin have asked the FBI and FSB to seek a solution on Snowden, so can you confirm that report? 
 
Also, the latest leaks by Edward Snowden suggest the United States have been monitoring the phone and email records of its allies in the EU.  So is the United States spying on its European allies?  Also, France and other countries are demanding an explanation with France saying that free trade talks could be threatened.  So how can you reassure your allies to make sure that free trade talks aren't threatened and that your relations abroad are not threatened?  And what will the federal response be to the 19 firefighters who were killed in Arizona?  Thank you. 
 
 And to President Kikwete, did you discuss with President Obama the Tanzanian diplomat who was stationed in Washington, D.C. and fined a million dollars for holding a woman against her will as a domestic servant?  Is this person still an advisor to you, and does this issue in any way undercut your ability to fight human trafficking in your great country?  Thank you, to both of you. 
 
 PRESIDENT OBAMA:   Well, I can confirm -- because I said so I think at the beginning of this trip in one of the first questions that was asked -- that we have gone through regular law enforcement channels in enforcing the extradition request that we've made with respect to Mr. Snowden.  And that's been true with all the countries that have been involved, including Russia.  And so, there have been high-level discussions with the Russians about trying to find a solution to the problem. 
 
We don't have an extradition treaty with Russia.  On the other hand, Mr. Snowden, we understand, has traveled there without a valid passport, without legal papers.  And we are hopeful that the Russian government makes decisions based on the normal procedures regarding international travel and the normal interactions that law enforcement have.  So I can confirm that.
 
With respect to the latest article that in part I gather is prompted by Mr. Snowden's leaks, we're still evaluating the article because the problem is that these things come out in dribs and drabs.  We don't know necessarily what programs they're referring to, we don't know how they're sourced.  And so, what I've said is, to my team, take a look at this article, figure out what they may or may not be talking about, and then what we'll do is we'll communicate to our allies appropriately.
 
But I'll make some general points.  So I'm not going to comment on any particular allegation, but I'll make a couple of general points.  Number one, the Europeans are some of the closest allies that we have in the world.  And we work with them on everything, and we share intelligence constantly.  And our primary concerns are the various security threats that may have an impact on both our countries. 
 
The initial two programs that were of concern as a consequence of the Snowden leak had to do with a very particular issue, and that is, were we going around snooping and reading people's emails and listening to people's phone calls, whether that was in the United States or in Europe.  And I responded to that when I was in Europe, in Germany, explaining that one program had to do with telephone numbers that were exchanged without content.  The other was very narrowly tailored to deal with threats like terrorism, proliferation -- and that all of this was done legally and under the supervision of the FISA Court.  So that's one set of issues.
 
Now, there's a second set of issues that this article seems to be raising, and that is how our intelligence services operate generally around the world.  And I think we should stipulate that every intelligence service -- not just ours, but every European intelligence service, every Asian intelligence service, wherever there's an intelligence service -- here's one thing that they're going to be doing:  they're going to be trying to understand the world better and what's going on in world capitals around the world from sources that aren't available through the New York Times or NBC News; that they are seeking additional insight beyond what's available through open sources. 
 
And if that weren't the case, then there would be no use for an intelligence service.  And I guarantee you that in European capitals, there are people who are interested in, if not what I had for breakfast, at least what my talking points might be should I end up meeting with their leaders.  That's how intelligence services operate. 
 
So I don't know what is precisely in this article.  I've asked my team and the NSA to evaluate everything that's being claimed.  When we have an answer, we will make sure to provide all the information that our allies want and what exactly the allegations have been.
 
But I can -- here's one last thing I'll say.  I'm the end user of this kind of intelligence.  And if I want to know what Chancellor Merkel is thinking, I will call Chancellor Merkel.  If I want to know what President Hollande is thinking on a particular issue, I'll call President Hollande.  If I want to know what David Cameron is thinking, I'll call David Cameron.  Ultimately, we work so closely together that there's almost no information that's not shared between our various countries. 
 
But I do think it's important for everybody analytically to separate this issue, which is how our intelligence service is gathering information about the world versus the particular programs that were initially the cause of this controversy, which I was responding to when I was in Germany.
 
Q    And the wildfires?
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Oh, thank you.  See, this is what happens when I've got too many questions.  Obviously, the news is heartbreaking.  And our thoughts and prayers go out to the families of the brave firefighters who are out there. 
 
This is one more reminder of the fact that our first responders, they put their lives on the line every single day.  And every time we have a community in crisis, a disaster strikes, we've got people in need -- firefighters, law enforcement officers, they run towards the danger.  And so we are heartbroken about what happened.  Obviously, we're prepared to provide any support we can in investigating exactly how this took place.
 
I think we're going to have to ask ourselves a set of broader questions about how we're handling increasingly deadly and difficult firefights.  Wildfires have been continually escalating at higher and higher cost, and putting more and more pressure not only the federal fire services, but also on state and local fire services.  And we're going to have to think about what more we can do on that front.  But for now, I think what we're most concerned about is how painful these losses are.
 
PRESIDENT KIKWETE:  The question that was directed to me -- yes, I am aware of a situation in Washington that involved one of our diplomats who later we recalled.  This incident involves a young sister of the wife of this diplomat.  They took her with them to help her get education and support -- make it in life.  And then I think there was a conflict within the family, and then this young lady accused the brother-in-law and the sister of using her for cheap labor.
 
The court decided on a one million fine, an amount which, for a Tanzanian, there is no way that he can afford to pay.  See, even the President here -- the President -- when I retire, my retirement benefits cannot pay that, because we get far less.  Then, I think there was reconsideration for this gentleman to pay $175,000, which, as far as I know, has already been paid.  So that matter has been put to rest.
 
END 
5:55 P.M. EAT

Remarks by President Obama and President Kikwete of Tanzania at Joint Press Conference


Remarks by President Obama and President Kikwete of Tanzania at Joint Press Conference

State House
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
5:09 P.M. EAT
PRESIDENT KIKWETE:  You Excellency, Barack Obama, President of the United States of America -- Mr. President, let me once again welcome you and the U.S. First Lady, and your entire delegation to Tanzania.   
 
I thank you, Mr. President, for accepting my invitation to visit Tanzania.  The people of Tanzania love you.  (Applause.)
 
You have seen the outpouring of warmth.  There has never been a visit by head of state to Tanzania that has attracted such big crowds like the one -- the first one of its kind.  Thank you for coming. 
 
Mr. President, Tanzania and the United States enjoy an excellent relationship.  We see eye to eye on many regional and global issues.  We have been receiving invaluable support in our development endeavors.  The lives of the people of Tanzania are different today thanks in many ways to the support and engaging from the United States of America -- support in health care, support in education.  And health care has made many people, many lives to be saved.  In education, many young men and women of Tanzania had to get -- education. 
 
Support in food security, nutrition security is increasingly building Tanzania's capacity for self-sufficiency and food supply.  And we're already getting there with regards to rice. 
 
Support in infrastructure development, in the road sector, in electricity, in the water sector has made many Tanzanians get these services, which otherwise they would not have been getting them.  We applaud programs like the Millennium Challenge compact; PEPFAR, against HIV/AIDS and malaria.  And your own brainchild, Feed the Future; Partnership for Growth; New Alliance for Food and Nutrition Security -- these have proven to be very useful in supporting the development efforts.
 
Mr. President, we had very fruitful discussions today.  We discussed many issues of mutual interest and mutual concern.  Again, I will say, President, thank you for coming.  And your words of support during the official talks, and readiness to continue to support Tanzania in our development endeavors goes a long way.  It was assuring us in you, and in the United States, we have a true friend indeed.
 
Mr. President, welcome.  (Applause.)
 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you so much.  Thank you.  Well, thank you so much, President Kikwete, for your very kind words and for the incredible welcome that I've received here in Dar es Salaam.  This is my first visit to Tanzania, but I feel a special connection to this country.  Obviously, my family on my father's side is from East Africa.  They spent some time actually in Tanzania.  And so, the love Michelle and I and the girls have felt on our arrival, I want to assure you that love is reciprocated and given back in return.  So, habari zenu.  (Applause.) 
 
Now, President Kikwete was the first African leader I welcomed to the White House after I took office.  I was pleased to welcome him to Washington last year for the launch of our New Alliance on Food Security.  And as the President indicated, we had excellent discussions today.  Our visits and work together reflect the long relationship between our countries and our shared commitment to the development and the dignity of the people of Tanzania.
 
My visit comes on the 50th anniversary of a key moment in our relationship -- when President Kennedy welcomed to the White House the father of your nation, President Julius Nyerere.  Tanzania was one of the first countries to welcome the Peace Corps.  That spirit of friendship continues.  Tanzania is a close partner, as the President indicated, on almost all our major development initiatives.  And this reflects our confidence in the people of Tanzania that, with the right steps, Tanzania has the potential to unlock new economic growth not only in this country but all across East Africa.
 
For example, Tanzanians continue to work to strengthen their democracy.  Parliament, opposition groups, civil society groups, and journalists are all doing their part to advance the good governance and transparency upon which democracy and prosperity depend.
 
And I want to commend President Kikwete on your reform efforts to strengthen institutions, improve the delivery of basic services, and make government more responsive to the Tanzanian people.  And I also want to salute you and President Shein of Zanzibar and the Tanzanian people for embarking on a vital constitutional process that will determine the future of this nation and its democracy.
 
President Kikwete and I agreed to keep tackling the hurdles of greater economic growth, starting with the sector where the vast majority of Tanzanians work, and that's in the agricultural sector.  As has been mentioned, our Feed the Future program has allowed us to work together to help more than 14,000 farmers here to better manage their crops and increase their yields by almost 50 percent.  That means higher incomes and a ladder for families and communities to greater prosperity.  And we're very proud of the work we've done with the Tanzanian government.
 
We discussed the importance of creating opportunities for Tanzanian youth, and I'm hopeful that young men and women here will apply for the new fellows program that I've announced this week so that we can partner with them as we seek new ways to serve, working with young people, their communities, and to help them start new companies and create new jobs.
 
I want to congratulate Tanzania on nearing completion of the largest Millennium Challenge compact in the world, which has benefited millions of Tanzanians with new roads and improved access to water and electricity.  And Tanzania is also one of the first four countries selected for our Partnership for Growth, and its investments in key areas -- new and improved roads, reforms to the energy sector -- that can help lift people out of poverty and unlock economic growth.
 
And I'm also pleased that Tanzania is going to be one of the first participants in the new effort that I announced yesterday -- Power Africa -- with its goal of doubling access to electricity.  (Applause.)  This will mean more reliable and affordable electricity for more Tanzanians, and it's something that we want to spread all across the continent.  Later today, I'll be announcing another initiative to improve trade with and within Africa, starting here with the East African Community.
 
On health, we're going to continue our efforts, which are saving lives.  Here in Tanzania, we're working together; we've seen dramatic decreases in malaria and child deaths in part because of the support that we've been able to provide.  Fewer people are being infected with HIV, more people are being treated.  We're reaching more than 1.2 million Tanzanians with care and support through PEPFAR, including more than 500,000 vulnerable children and orphans.  So we're going to keep up that fight.
 
Regionally, I thanked President Kikwete for Tanzania's contribution to security, including its peacekeepers in Darfur and the Congo.  On the Congo, we agreed that all parties need to implement their commitments under the Framework for Peace, that armed groups need to lay down their arms, and human rights abusers need to be held accountable.  And I very much want to commend President Kikwete as well for the leadership role that he's played in the Southern African Development Community on the issue of Zimbabwe.  (Applause.)  We agree that the threats and intimidation of citizens are unacceptable and must stop, and that further reforms are needed to create the conditions for free, fair, and credible elections that will put Zimbabwe on a path of success and prosperity.
And finally, we discussed an issue that's inseparable from Africa's identity and prosperity -- and that's its wildlife.  Tourists from around the world, including the United States, come here -- especially to Tanzania -- to experience its natural beauty and its national parks, and that's obviously an important part of the economy of this country.  But poaching and trafficking is threatening Africa's wildlife, so today I issued a new executive order to better organize U.S. government efforts in this fight so that we can cooperate further with the Tanzanian government and others.  And this includes additional millions of dollars to help countries across the region build their capacity to meet this challenge, because the entire world has a stake in making sure that we preserve Africa's beauty for future generations.
 
So, again, Mr. President, thank you so much for your leadership and for your commitment to the partnership between our two nations.  We've covered a lot of ground today.  One last point I need to make, and that is the President and I are both basketball fans.  We did not discuss Hasheem Thabeet, who plays in the NBA, but maybe next time we'll have a chance to talk about that.  (Laughter and applause.)  So, asante.  (Applause.)  Asante sana.
 
Q    Your Excellencies, my name is Peter Ambilikile from Jamboree Newspaper.  My question is for both of you, starting with President Obama.  President Obama, are you satisfied with the aid that your country provides to Tanzania, especially the MCC?  Second question goes to President Kikwete.  Do you believe that U.S.A. is doing enough to support our country, Tanzania?  That's all, thanks.
 
 PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, not only do I think that what we're doing is important, but we have proof that U.S. assistance is making a difference.  Because of our programs, you've reduced incidents of malaria.  Because of our programs, you've reduced child and infant mortality.  Because of our programs, there are roads that are being built here; farmers are seeing crops with better yields and are better able to get them to market because of new roads. 
 
The MCC I think has been so successful here in Tanzania that phase one is near completion, and I know that Tanzania is going to be eligible for applying for phase two.  And when it comes to Power Africa, the new program that I'm announcing, I think there's enormous potential here in Tanzania to start getting electricity out into villages in rural areas, more reliable service that can then power manufacturing, power new businesses which creates more jobs, creates more demand.  And we can do it using clean energy and not just some of the traditional sources.
 
Now, what I would say is -- and I've said this throughout Africa -- we are looking at a new model that's based not just on aid and assistance, but on trade and partnership.  And increasingly, what we want to do is use whatever monies that we're providing to build capacity.  So we don't want to just provide the medicine, we want to help build the health infrastructures that allow Tanzanians to improve their overall health systems. 
 
We don't want to just provide food, we want to increase food self-sufficiency.  When it comes to power, we're not just building power plants ourselves -- we're working with the various governments that are involved to think about what are the laws and regulations that are required to sustain it, and how do we leverage the private sector to put more money in.  So we're coming up with $7, $8 billion of U.S. government money on our Power Africa program but we're also already obtaining about $9 billion worth of commitments from the private sector. 
 
So ultimately, the goal here is for Africa to build Africa for Africans.  And our job is to be a partner in that process, and Tanzania has been one of our best partners.
 
PRESIDENT KIKWETE:  I think the issue of satisfied with MCC should have been asked me.  MCC has been a great assistance from the United States government to the people of Tanzania.  There are three sectors here. 
 
There is the road sector.  And a good thing about the MCC is that we decide on the areas or the sectors that we need assistance.  But even we decide on where.  For example, in the case of roads, there are roads that we've talked to many donors who are not ready to support us.  But when you said there is going to be support on roads, I said, let's try these roads.  Let's see what the Americans are going to say.  The Americans said, fine -- if you think you need these roads, fine, we'll give you the money.
 
Those, Tanzanians, fellow Tanzanians know Namtumbo, Songea, Binga, Tunduma, Sumbawanga, Tanga, Horo Horo -- the roads in Pemba.  But we chose those roads, because these roads are actually in our breadbasket areas.  This is where we get the corn -- Ruvuma, Rukwa, Mbeya.  We decided -- we chose the U.S. to assist us to increase water supply to Dar es Salaam.  It was our decision.  The project is now being implemented.  With electricity, we said one of our biggest problems is access to electricity for people in the rural areas.  The U.S. said, fine.  We have grid in 10 regions of Tanzania.  Coverage of electricity has increased from 10 percent to 21 percent.  It's a phenomenal increase.
 
So I want to underscore the fact that I'm satisfied with the support from MCC.  Is the U.S. doing enough?  The U.S. has done a lot.  But if I say they have done enough, then the President will not listen to my new requests.  (Laughter.)  But so far, so good.  (Laughter.)
 
Death from malaria has declined by over 50 percent.  Infant mortality rates have declined.  HIV infections have declined.  Through the PMTCT, Prevention of Mother-to-Child Transmission, more children born by HIV-infected mothers are born free of the disease. 
 
The U.S. has supported us with over 2 million books.  And today, I asked the President we want another 2 million.  He says, you talk to -- and I have seen from their faces that they are in agreement with the President.  (Laughter.)  So that when it comes to science and mathematics books, we'll have every Tanzanian child have a book of his or her own, instead of the ratios they are talking today, 5 to 1 -- now 3 to 1.  So the list is endless.  We have a lot of support.  We are very appreciative, very thankful.  It has really helped change the lives of our people.  But if they can do more, please.
 
Q    Mr. President, President Kikwete, thank you very much.  Mr. President, these scenes in Egypt suggest that Mohamed Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood government have lost the support of the Egyptian people.  When we saw similar protesting against Mubarak, you called on Mubarak to step down.  By all accounts, these protests are even bigger.  So my question is, is it time for Morsi to go?  And does any of this cause you to reconsider the hundreds of millions of dollars -- even billions of dollars -- in aid the United States gives Morsi's government?
 
And, President Kikwete, if I can ask you -- actually both of you -- to comment on the significance of President Obama's trip here to Africa and the fact that tomorrow we will see in what I believe is a first of two U.S. Presidents, President Bush and President Obama together in a public appearance here in Tanzania.
 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Obviously, we're all concerned about what's happening in Egypt, and we've been monitoring it very closely.  Our commitment to Egypt has never been around any particular individual or party.  Our commitment has been to a process.  And when I took a position that it was time for Egypt to transition, it was based on the fact that Egypt had not had a democratic government for decades, if ever.  And that's what the people were calling for. 
 
They went through an election process that, by all accounts, were legitimate.  And Mr. Morsi was elected.  And the U.S. government's attitude has been we would deal with a democratically elected government.  What we've also said is that democracy is not just about elections, it's also about how are you working with an opposition; how do you treat dissenting voices; how do you treat minority groups.  And what is clear right now is that although Mr. Morsi was elected democratically, there's more work to be done to create the conditions in which everybody feels that their voices are heard, and that the government is responsive and truly representative. 
 
And so what we've encouraged the government to do is to reach out to the opposition and work through these issues in a political process.  It's not the U.S.'s job to determine what that process is.  But what we have said is, go through processes that are legitimate and observe rule of law.
 
Now, obviously, we've been watching these big protests.  Our number-one priority has been making sure that our embassies and consulates are protected.  Number two, what we've consistently insisted on is that all parties involved -- whether it's members of Mr. Morsi's party or the opposition -- that they remain peaceful.  And although we have not seen the kind of violence that many had feared so far, the potential remains there, and everybody has to show restraint.
 
I should add, by the way, we have seen many reports of women being assaulted in these protests.  And for those who are participating in these protests or marches, assaulting women does not qualify as peaceful protests. 
 
So we're going to continue to work with all parties inside of Egypt to try to channel this through legal, legitimate processes.  But I do think that if the situation is going to resolve itself for the benefit of Egypt over the long term, then all the parties there have to step back from maximalist positions.  Democracies don't work when everybody says it's the other person's fault and I want 100 percent of what I want.
 
And the good thing about the United States and other mature democracies is you work through processes that force compromise, and those get institutionalized.  But, look, we've had 200-plus years of practice at it.  This is still new in Egypt.  And so they're going to have to work through these things.  The key is making sure that they don't work through them in a violent fashion.  But our position has always been it's not our job to choose who Egypt's leaders are.  We do want to make sure that all the voices are heard and is done in a peaceful way.
 
I know you directed the question to President Kikwete, but my appearance with President Bush tomorrow -- and I know the First Lady is going to be seeing Laura Bush -- I think this is just another opportunity for me to reiterate what I said in South Africa yesterday when we were at an HIV/AIDS clinic that has saved lives because of the U.S. PEPFAR program that President Bush started.  I think this is one of his crowning achievements. 
 
Because of the commitment of the Bush administration and the American people, millions of people's lives have been saved.  Antiretroviral drugs have been made available to people who didn't have them before, and they, even if they were infected with the disease, could look forward to a decent life.  Children have been able to avoid infection because of that work.  And we've continued that work, and we are going to continue that work.
 
One thing I do think is worth mentioning is that there's been some suggestion that somehow we've reduced our commitment there.  The fact of the matter is, is that we are serving four times the number of people today than we were when PEPFAR first began.  But because we've gotten better at it and more efficient at it, we're doing it at reduced costs, and then we're not taking that money out of global health; what we're doing is we're putting it back into things like tuberculosis and malaria alleviation, which is making sure that more people's lives are saved because HIV/AIDS is not the only disease that is affecting people here in Africa.  And you have public health crises in some of these other areas as well.  
 
But this indicates how timely the PEPFAR program was.  And the bipartisan support that it has received has been extraordinary, and President Bush deserves enormous credit for that.  And so, I'm looking forward to being able, on African soil, to once again thank him on behalf of the American people for showing how American generosity and foresight could end up making a real difference in people's lives. 
 
Q    And the U.S. aid to Egypt?
 
 PRESIDENT OBAMA:   Well, Jonathan, I have to say that your numbers on U.S. aid to Egypt were a little bit imprecise.  We have some regular assistance that we provide Egypt.  We have some dollars that have been held up and have to be approved by Congress.  But the way we make decisions about assistance to Egypt is based on are they in fact following rule of law and democratic procedures.  And we don't make those decisions just by counting the number of heads in a protest march, but we do make decisions based on whether or not a government is listening to the opposition, maintaining a free press, maintaining freedom of assembly, not using violence or intimidation, conducting fair and free elections.  And those are the kinds of things that we're examining, and we press the Egyptian government very hard on those issues.
 
PRESIDENT KIKWETE:  Is President Obama's visit significant?  Very significant.  Why am I saying so?  Africa needs the United States.  The United States needs Africa.  And the only way you can build this relationship is through exchange of visits, and visits at the highest level speaks volumes about doing that.
 
So I would say the visit of President Obama to Africa consolidates existing relations, but also advances them to greater heights for the mutual benefits of our two countries and our two peoples.
 
President Bush and Madam Laura Bush are visiting Tanzania.  The George Bush Foundation has programs supporting African first ladies in the work that they do in their respective countries, particularly supporting women groups and supporting girls with regards to education and empowerment. 
 
Were we excited?  We have the President and the former President in Tanzania at the same time.  It's a blessing to this country. 
 
Q    My question to President Obama -- Mr. President, there has been no peace in Congo for almost 20 years now.  As a powerful nation in the world and a permanent member of the Security Council with a lot of influence to major players of the Congo conflict, how is the U.S. going to assist the DRC and Great Lakes to reach a permanent peace?  Thank you. 
 
 PRESIDENT OBAMA:   Well, the people of Congo need a chance.  They need a fair chance to live their lives, raise their families.  And they haven't had that opportunity because of constant conflict and war for way too many years.  And of course, the tragedy is compounded by the fact that Congo is so rich in natural resources and potential, but because of this constant conflict and instability, the people of Congo haven't benefitted from that. 
 
I want to congratulate, again, President Kikwete and others who have helped to shape a peace framework.  Because one of the things that I've said throughout this trip is, the United States doesn't seek to impose solutions on Africa.  We want to work with Africans to find solutions to some of these ongoing security and regional problems.
 
And so, the fact that you now have a peace framework that the various parties have signed onto is critical.  But it can't just be a piece of paper; there has to be follow-through.  And so, one of the things that I discussed with President Kikwete is how we can encourage all the parties concerned to follow through on commitments that they've made in order to bring about a lasting solution inside of Congo.  That means, for example, that President Kabila inside of Congo, he has to do more and better when it comes to dealing with the DRC's capacity on security issues and delivery of services.  And that's very important, because if there's a continuing vacuum there, then that vacuum sometimes gets filled by actors that don't have the best interests of Congo at heart.  And we're prepared to work the United Nations and regional organizations and others to help him build capacity.
 
The countries surrounding the Congo, they've got to make commitments to stop funding armed groups that are encroaching on the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Congo.  And they've signed onto a piece of paper now, now the question is do they follow through. 
 
And so, we're prepared to work with anybody to try to make this happen.  Ultimately, though, the countries involved have to recognize it is in their self-interest to do so.  We can't force a solution onto the region.  The peoples of the region have to stand up and say that's enough; it's time to move forward in a different way.  And, by the way, that means holding those who've committed gross human rights abuses accountable for what they've done.
 
But there's an opportunity for peace here.  And the countries surrounding the Congo should recognize that if the Congo stabilizes, that will improve the prospects for their growth and their prosperity, because right now, it's as if you have a millstone around your neck.  If you have one of the biggest countries in terms of geography in all of Africa with all these natural resources, but it's constantly a problem as opposed to being part of the solution, everybody suffers. 
 
Tanzania should be doing more trade with the DRC.  Rwanda should be doing more trade and commerce with the DRC.  One of the things we're talking about it how do we get more inter-Africa trade, because if countries like Tanzania are going to improve their economic position in the globe, the first thing they have to do is to make sure they can trade with each other more effectively. 
 
Right now, in Africa -- this is true not just in Tanzania, but in Kenya and Uganda and other places -- it's easier to send flowers or coffee to Europe than it is to send it across the way.  And that means that fewer businesses are getting started and fewer jobs are being created.
 
So we want to work with the existing international structures like the United Nations, and we're supportive of the brigade that's been shaped and in which Tanzania is making a contribution.  But ultimately, it's going to be the African countries themselves that have to follow up on the commitments that they've already made. 
 
Q    President Obama, President Kikwete, thank you very much.  President Obama, the first question goes to you, and I want to get your reaction to a breaking news alert that just came in a few minutes ago.  According to Reuters, a senior Russian security official says that you and President Putin have asked the FBI and FSB to seek a solution on Snowden, so can you confirm that report? 
 
Also, the latest leaks by Edward Snowden suggest the United States have been monitoring the phone and email records of its allies in the EU.  So is the United States spying on its European allies?  Also, France and other countries are demanding an explanation with France saying that free trade talks could be threatened.  So how can you reassure your allies to make sure that free trade talks aren't threatened and that your relations abroad are not threatened?  And what will the federal response be to the 19 firefighters who were killed in Arizona?  Thank you. 
 
 And to President Kikwete, did you discuss with President Obama the Tanzanian diplomat who was stationed in Washington, D.C. and fined a million dollars for holding a woman against her will as a domestic servant?  Is this person still an advisor to you, and does this issue in any way undercut your ability to fight human trafficking in your great country?  Thank you, to both of you. 
 
 PRESIDENT OBAMA:   Well, I can confirm -- because I said so I think at the beginning of this trip in one of the first questions that was asked -- that we have gone through regular law enforcement channels in enforcing the extradition request that we've made with respect to Mr. Snowden.  And that's been true with all the countries that have been involved, including Russia.  And so, there have been high-level discussions with the Russians about trying to find a solution to the problem. 
 
We don't have an extradition treaty with Russia.  On the other hand, Mr. Snowden, we understand, has traveled there without a valid passport, without legal papers.  And we are hopeful that the Russian government makes decisions based on the normal procedures regarding international travel and the normal interactions that law enforcement have.  So I can confirm that.
 
With respect to the latest article that in part I gather is prompted by Mr. Snowden's leaks, we're still evaluating the article because the problem is that these things come out in dribs and drabs.  We don't know necessarily what programs they're referring to, we don't know how they're sourced.  And so, what I've said is, to my team, take a look at this article, figure out what they may or may not be talking about, and then what we'll do is we'll communicate to our allies appropriately.
 
But I'll make some general points.  So I'm not going to comment on any particular allegation, but I'll make a couple of general points.  Number one, the Europeans are some of the closest allies that we have in the world.  And we work with them on everything, and we share intelligence constantly.  And our primary concerns are the various security threats that may have an impact on both our countries. 
 
The initial two programs that were of concern as a consequence of the Snowden leak had to do with a very particular issue, and that is, were we going around snooping and reading people's emails and listening to people's phone calls, whether that was in the United States or in Europe.  And I responded to that when I was in Europe, in Germany, explaining that one program had to do with telephone numbers that were exchanged without content.  The other was very narrowly tailored to deal with threats like terrorism, proliferation -- and that all of this was done legally and under the supervision of the FISA Court.  So that's one set of issues.
 
Now, there's a second set of issues that this article seems to be raising, and that is how our intelligence services operate generally around the world.  And I think we should stipulate that every intelligence service -- not just ours, but every European intelligence service, every Asian intelligence service, wherever there's an intelligence service -- here's one thing that they're going to be doing:  they're going to be trying to understand the world better and what's going on in world capitals around the world from sources that aren't available through the New York Times or NBC News; that they are seeking additional insight beyond what's available through open sources. 
 
And if that weren't the case, then there would be no use for an intelligence service.  And I guarantee you that in European capitals, there are people who are interested in, if not what I had for breakfast, at least what my talking points might be should I end up meeting with their leaders.  That's how intelligence services operate. 
 
So I don't know what is precisely in this article.  I've asked my team and the NSA to evaluate everything that's being claimed.  When we have an answer, we will make sure to provide all the information that our allies want and what exactly the allegations have been.
 
But I can -- here's one last thing I'll say.  I'm the end user of this kind of intelligence.  And if I want to know what Chancellor Merkel is thinking, I will call Chancellor Merkel.  If I want to know what President Hollande is thinking on a particular issue, I'll call President Hollande.  If I want to know what David Cameron is thinking, I'll call David Cameron.  Ultimately, we work so closely together that there's almost no information that's not shared between our various countries. 
 
But I do think it's important for everybody analytically to separate this issue, which is how our intelligence service is gathering information about the world versus the particular programs that were initially the cause of this controversy, which I was responding to when I was in Germany.
 
Q    And the wildfires?
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Oh, thank you.  See, this is what happens when I've got too many questions.  Obviously, the news is heartbreaking.  And our thoughts and prayers go out to the families of the brave firefighters who are out there. 
 
This is one more reminder of the fact that our first responders, they put their lives on the line every single day.  And every time we have a community in crisis, a disaster strikes, we've got people in need -- firefighters, law enforcement officers, they run towards the danger.  And so we are heartbroken about what happened.  Obviously, we're prepared to provide any support we can in investigating exactly how this took place.
 
I think we're going to have to ask ourselves a set of broader questions about how we're handling increasingly deadly and difficult firefights.  Wildfires have been continually escalating at higher and higher cost, and putting more and more pressure not only the federal fire services, but also on state and local fire services.  And we're going to have to think about what more we can do on that front.  But for now, I think what we're most concerned about is how painful these losses are.
 
PRESIDENT KIKWETE:  The question that was directed to me -- yes, I am aware of a situation in Washington that involved one of our diplomats who later we recalled.  This incident involves a young sister of the wife of this diplomat.  They took her with them to help her get education and support -- make it in life.  And then I think there was a conflict within the family, and then this young lady accused the brother-in-law and the sister of using her for cheap labor.
 
The court decided on a one million fine, an amount which, for a Tanzanian, there is no way that he can afford to pay.  See, even the President here -- the President -- when I retire, my retirement benefits cannot pay that, because we get far less.  Then, I think there was reconsideration for this gentleman to pay $175,000, which, as far as I know, has already been paid.  So that matter has been put to rest.
 
END 
5:55 P.M. EAT

-“The root cause of the Rwandan tragedy of 1994 is the long and past historical ethnic dominance of one minority ethnic group to the other majority ethnic group. Ignoring this reality is giving a black cheque for the Rwandan people’s future and deepening resentment, hostility and hatred between the two groups.”

-« Ce dont j’ai le plus peur, c’est des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre ».

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

READ MORE RECENT NEWS AND OPINIONS

Popular Posts

WebMD Health Channel - Sex & Relationships

Love Lectures

How We Made It In Africa – Insight into business in Africa

David DeAngelo - Dating Questions For Men

Christian Carter - Dating Questions For Women

Women - The Huffington Post

Recent Articles About Effective Communication Skills and Self Development