SOUTH AFRICA: RWANDAN DIPLOMAT INVOLVED IN CRIMINAL ACTIVITIES EXPOSED

http://rncnewsonline.blogspot.com/2013/01/rwandan-diplomat-involved-in-criminal.html#!/2013/01/rwandan-diplomat-involved-in-criminal.html   Jan 25 RWANDAN DIPLOMAT INVOLVED IN CRIMINAL ACTIVITIES EXPOSED Breaking News - Pretoria – A Rwandan diplomat in Pretoria, South Africa has been exposed for his criminal activities against members of the Diaspora who are critics of the ruling regime in Rwanda specifically those belonging to Rwanda National Congress (RNC) ,a yet to be registered political part operating  outside Rwanda. The diplomat ,Didier Rutembasa, who is under constant surveillance from the South African Intelligence officers, is known for his role in terrorizing Rwandan refugees as well as his involvement in a recent assassination attempt on Frank Ntwali, chairman of RNC in Africa.   while RNC members celebrated two years of its existence by staging a picket at the Rwandan Embassy in Pretoria denouncing the regime's ongoing suppression of human rights, freedom of speech , Rwanda's support to the rebel movement M23 in Congo, Didier Rutembesa hired and equipped a Congolese refugee whose Identity is withheld for security reasons, with a recording equipments to spy on Gen Kayumba Nyamwasa as well as protesters who were present during the picket. Fearing for his life, the Congolese refugee decided to seek for protection and handed over all incriminating evidence (recording machine, emails between him and the diplomat) to the lawyers who in return contacted the intelligence officers. Meanwhile they are waiting to official lodge a court case. In an email  exchange between the two men it reads as follows : "The reason why it is only today that I denounce you is the fact that I needed some time to gather information and evidences, in addition to the death threat that you did to me 3 days ago(our telephone conversation the 21st January 2013 at 2:44pm)". "I request to my lawyer reading this in CC to open a case at the justice for: intimidation, manipulation  and exposure to the risk". After several failed attempts to have the South African authorities stop from issuing permission to the members of RNC, Didier sort to use Congolese refugees  to disrupt the picketing but it backfired when Congolese joined-hands with fellow refugees . "For your information, that money allowed those Congolese to pay their transport in order to join RCN in their claim because the claim of these ones was loyal and of common interest". Our attempts to contact the lawyers for the Congolese refugee was unsuccessful.  JD Mwiseneza Pretoria

SOUTH AFRICA: RWANDAN DIPLOMAT INVOLVED IN CRIMINAL ACTIVITIES EXPOSED

http://rncnewsonline.blogspot.com/2013/01/rwandan-diplomat-involved-in-criminal.html#!/2013/01/rwandan-diplomat-involved-in-criminal.html   Jan 25 RWANDAN DIPLOMAT INVOLVED IN CRIMINAL ACTIVITIES EXPOSED Breaking News - Pretoria – A Rwandan diplomat in Pretoria, South Africa has been exposed for his criminal activities against members of the Diaspora who are critics of the ruling regime in Rwanda specifically those belonging to Rwanda National Congress (RNC) ,a yet to be registered political part operating  outside Rwanda. The diplomat ,Didier Rutembasa, who is under constant surveillance from the South African Intelligence officers, is known for his role in terrorizing Rwandan refugees as well as his involvement in a recent assassination attempt on Frank Ntwali, chairman of RNC in Africa.   while RNC members celebrated two years of its existence by staging a picket at the Rwandan Embassy in Pretoria denouncing the regime's ongoing suppression of human rights, freedom of speech , Rwanda's support to the rebel movement M23 in Congo, Didier Rutembesa hired and equipped a Congolese refugee whose Identity is withheld for security reasons, with a recording equipments to spy on Gen Kayumba Nyamwasa as well as protesters who were present during the picket. Fearing for his life, the Congolese refugee decided to seek for protection and handed over all incriminating evidence (recording machine, emails between him and the diplomat) to the lawyers who in return contacted the intelligence officers. Meanwhile they are waiting to official lodge a court case. In an email  exchange between the two men it reads as follows : "The reason why it is only today that I denounce you is the fact that I needed some time to gather information and evidences, in addition to the death threat that you did to me 3 days ago(our telephone conversation the 21st January 2013 at 2:44pm)". "I request to my lawyer reading this in CC to open a case at the justice for: intimidation, manipulation  and exposure to the risk". After several failed attempts to have the South African authorities stop from issuing permission to the members of RNC, Didier sort to use Congolese refugees  to disrupt the picketing but it backfired when Congolese joined-hands with fellow refugees . "For your information, that money allowed those Congolese to pay their transport in order to join RCN in their claim because the claim of these ones was loyal and of common interest". Our attempts to contact the lawyers for the Congolese refugee was unsuccessful.  JD Mwiseneza Pretoria

Victoire Ingabire: A THANK YOU NOTE FROM MY CAPTIVITY

http://rwandinfo.com/eng/address-of-victoire-ingabire-in-captivity-to-rwandans-and-friends-of-rwanda/ Address of Victoire Ingabire in captivity to Rwandans and Friends of Rwanda by Chief Editor Victoire Ingabire, Opposition leader in captivity. Fellow Rwandans, Friends of Rwanda, It is almost 4 months back to my homeland after 16 years in exile. It was unbearable to hear the pain and the misery of my people at thousands of miles away. Upon my arrival, the regime, the state machinery and partisan media launched unrelenting demonizing campaign. The harassment and intimidation paved the way to endless police grilling. There has been no relief at all. The reason is just to repress my political rights, to fabricate criminal records, to derail the registration of my political party UDF INKINGI and to deter my presidential eligibility. 1. Captivity You may all recall that on 21st April 2010, the Rwandan government arrested me. I spent one night in jail. My home was violently searched the same night and up to date the state police have never returned our two computers, one computer of a visitor, computer programs, digital camera, disks, flash drives, cell phones, contracts, business cards, party flyers, flags and logos, passport, driving license, and all paper documents. The following day upon my request to be granted a bail, I was provisionally released from the jail. Since then, I can neither travel abroad nor go beyond the capital city of Kigali. Held under "extended" house arrest, I also have to report to the Prosecutor's office twice a month. In reality, as it was shortly after my return, I have no freedom of movement. The only difference is that this time it is "legal". I am in captivity. I know many of you are eager and thirsty to hear live our freedom message. In this attempt to freeze our political activities and to thwart the road to democracy, the government has decided to put me "in chains" but my determination is still intact. Even though being imprisoned is something any democratic opposition leader, who is peacefully fighting against a dictatorial regime, should expect and be aware of, nobody should give up the individual liberties. I would like therefore to thank all the people who played a role in my release from jail. Particularly, I would like to thank my dear fellows UDF-Inkingi's members, who provided me with all the necessary means I crucially needed in order to stand a trial in court. I would also like to thank the Rwandan people who came massively to my court hearing. I am writing to thank you all for your support and your prayers, to inform you about the circumstances of my captivity and about my trial, and to strengthen you in the hope for a democratic and better Rwanda. 2. My trial is politically motivated Fellow Rwandans, Friends of Rwanda, This trial is trumped-up on false accusations because the prosecutor knows well that I am innocent. However, because I am engaged in a political fight, my opponents relied on media lynching of my person using public and private media and government institutions. I was even physically assaulted within the premises of an administrative building. As the time went on, my opponents came to realize that such acts of harassment and intimidation did not deter my determination. Instead, I continued to visit the Rwandan people nationwide. My opponents finally brandished the wall of laws, their own laws with their own reading. I was repeatedly summoned, almost every week since February, by the Criminal Investigation Department until my arrest and jail on 21st April 2010. Briefly why am I being harassed? What are the charges levied against me? - Promoting divisionism - Harboring genocide ideology - Creating an armed group and collaboration with the FDLR. 2.1. PROMOTING DIVISIONISM 2.1.1. We belong to an opposition political party You all know that I am the chairperson of an opposition political party. Compared to the current regime, we see things differently on several crucial issues facing our country. We refuse to be led by a one-man-rule, a state-party system for fear of being accused of divisionism. The Rwandan Constitution recognizes a multi-party system. That means the Constitution gives the Rwandan people the right to conceive and freely express dissenting political ideas. We attest that the Rwandan people live under the yoke of fear and ignorance. People are kept in perpetual extreme poverty characterized by widespread malnutrition and poor healthcare, especially in rural areas. Government officials are forcing people to destroy their banana plantations even though these plantations represent the principal source of income for the poor. The healthcare system doesn't guarantee healthcare coverage for all the Rwandan people due to scarcity and high cost of prescription drugs even though every Rwandan is required to subscribe to the universal health insurance coverage (Mutuelles de Santé). The reform of the education sector should go hand in hand with adequate infrastructures, trained human resources and relevant translated books. How will teachers deliver in languages they don't speak? This is terrible for the quality of the education. In schools, History teachers are totally confused: the regime's political manipulations are in total conflict with the facts. We are not afraid to tell the world that the Rwandans are under the yoke of fear and darkness, the hunger is acute in rural Rwanda. We are against the fact that the Gacaca courts that were traditionally responsible for settling social disputes, consider cases that require special knowledge that the criminal court judges do not have. This is even more serious because it involves crimes as serious as genocide. We are also opposed to the fact that the accused in these courts have no right to be assisted by a lawyer. Professor Andre Guichaoua, a renowned researcher from the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in Arusha, Tanzania, recently published a reference book titled "Rwanda, from War to Genocide. Criminal Politics in Rwanda, 1990-1994." In this book, Andre Guichaoua thoroughly analyzed the Gacaca court system and found that nearly all Rwandans who were at least 14 years old and were living in Rwanda before 1994 have been dragged to Gacaca courts. 2.1.2. Some utterances from the President of Rwanda are surprising The Government machinery recently suspended two independent newspapers, split two political parties while other parties have been denied authorization to hold their constituent congress, a necessary step towards the registration of any political party. They jailed politicians such as Deogratias Mushayidi and senior military officers. If someone says that there is something rotten in Rwanda's leadership, government officials are quick to brandish the law on divisionism. We say we need a democratic change, more political space, freedom of speech and the President of Rwanda claims to hold us in contempt, as worthless people, criminals, and hooligans. He even boasted about how it was patriotic to shoot people in the DRC. When I recently heard such utterances I felt deep sadness. I truly respect the President of Rwanda. I am a mother I will never dare to insult him even though he insulted me. Such a speech was delivered during the 16th commemoration of the genocide against the Tutsis and a week after before both chambers of the Senate and the National Assembly. Although I was outraged, I did not deem necessary to respond, there was nothing I could say about it. Whoever says this is not acceptable is accused of divisionism. Should we shy to denounce these utterances simply because they are from a head of state or his government? No. 2.1.3. Ethnic problems should not be taboo In Rwanda, people are afraid of discussing openly the current ethnic problem. To attest that the Rwandan population is composed of three ethnic groups is neither a crime nor a problem. The problem is to be deprived of your fundamental rights simply because you are Tutsi, Hutu, or Twa. It does not make sense to allege that there are no ethnic groups in Rwanda while we all know that Tutsis were decimated simply because of their ethnicity and were slaughtered because they were Tutsis. We attest that we already have a comprehensive plan to deal with this ethnic problem from its root causes in order to protect everybody's right to life through a legal framework that would guarantee that no Rwandan would be threatened because of his/her ethnic background. 2.2. HARBORING GENOCIDE IDEOLOGY 2.2.1. We recognize the genocide I and the political party I chair, UDF-Inkingi, which was created in 2006, we recognize that in 1994, in Rwanda, there has been genocide against the Tutsis. We also recognize that during that time, before and after, there have been crimes against humanity committed against other groups of the Rwandan population. These are facts we witnessed but also recognized by the United Nations, Resolution No 955 of November 08, 1994. We also believe that anyone who has responsibility in those unspeakable killings against humanity should be held accountable. This is what the current regime calls harboring genocide ideology or genocide denial. 2.2.2. Our position on reconciliation We advocate for national reconciliation of the Rwandan people. However, we strongly believe that true reconciliation cannot be achieved as long as the sufferings of some Rwandans who lost their relatives during those killings have not been officially recognized. We need to encourage Rwandans to talk about the tragedy with no taboo, to bring them together in order to set solid guidelines for a long lasting settlement. Justice needs to be fair and not selective. 2.2.3. Destruction of the symbol of democracy On 1st May 2010 late night, the regime masterminded the profanation of the symbol of democracy by exhuming the rests of Mr. Dominique Mbonyumutwa, the first President of the Republic of Rwanda. This is a wrong signal to the Democratic and Freedom values in Rwanda. Those manipulations of national history to suit the regime's interests are sidelining the state, becoming a separate entity from the whole society. 2.3. COLLABORATING WITH THE FDLR I refer to my speech of 16th January 2010 in Kigali upon arrival: "I am a daughter and a mother, moved by the misery and humiliations of my people. I don't need an army to defeat the dictatorship. All we need is determination, commitment and patience. The sacrifices of all committed people will overcome our misery and this endless crisis in our motherland. (…) We don't need another war in our country. Too much blood has been poured. Enough is enough…" Why do they want me to collaborate with rebels? I don't need them. They have been tackling each other for over 16 years. We need to bring this to an end. We need peace. We condemn the politics that killed nearly 5 millions of our Congolese neighbors since 1996. Those who have fought, have they achieved long lasting peace? No. Why should we be inspired by a failure? They will parade dozens, hundreds of ex-FDLR, to accuse us of any thing they want. Our answer remains the same; the war is not an answer. How one can achieve anything with that kind of paraded colonels? Why have they kept them in military facilities since 2009 before I came back home, and are making big cases of them now? The political decision to register our political party in the country to compete with this regime was not an easy decision that we took recklessly. We first put together our ideas, thoroughly analyzed many ways we should use and related consequences in order to solve the political deadlock. We chose the non-violent way in our fight for freedom, justice and democracy. FDLR rebels are Rwandans. They need sincere guarantees prior to repatriation. Those involved in crimes await fair justice. Others deserve a normal socio-professional life. If you jail a politician on suspicions of talking to elements of a rebellion how can you assure them to come home and be safe? We are in total disagreement with the current government policy of "poaching" some FDLR leaders, while encouraging the use of force against the others. I therefore solemnly set the goal that if the Rwandan people trust me and elect me as President of Rwanda, my government will hold direct talks with the FDLR. They are Rwandans and have no other country on this planet. However, those who are responsible for crimes of genocide or crimes against humanity will face justice. 3. Our position on the Rwanda Defense Forces "I am not bringing an army with me". There is a very capable army in the country. As long as the army will opt for political neutrality and work towards the fulfillment of the duties of maintaining integrity and sovereignty of the country, protecting the Rwandan people, ensuring peace and security in the region, and protecting government institutions issued from genuine democratic processes, I will always believe in that army. The Rwanda Defense Force is a key factor for the stability of this country. Many Rwandans respect the motto saying: "In the RDF, good leadership; discipline; mutual trust and respect between members; respect for the law and enduring loyalty to the constitution, are the cornerstone of our success and constant ability to be a force for good". In this respect, we strongly advocate for professionalism, carrier stability and leadership empowerment. I therefore take this opportunity to inform and assure soldiers within the RDF, who were not aware of this understanding, that this is indeed our position on the problem regarding the Rwandan army. Conclusion Fellow Rwandans, Friends of Rwanda, We call upon partner countries and the international community to support our efforts to bring about a lasting solution in Rwanda. Development indicators are encouraging but will remain fragile as long as they lack a solid foundation, as long as Rwanda is a one-man-rule. Proponents of the current regime have touted its benefits, such as faster economic growth, more economic opportunities and higher standards of living. However, this process is bypassing big swaths of particularly vulnerable populations. Large segments of the population face crushing poverty. There will be no lasting stability and no sustainable development without democracy, without fair justice, without the rule of law, without a genuine reconciliation. Those who believed that stability and development were possible in Rwanda without democratization have seen the limits. We strongly believe that long-term, sustainable economic and social development requires democratic governance rooted in the rule of law. I would like to finish this message by calling upon the President of Rwanda, Paul Kagame, to let me recover my full freedom and liberties, so that I can enjoy my political rights which are the reason I came back home from exile, hold the constitutional congress of my political party, register the party, compete during the elections and let the Rwandan people decide. God bless you all. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, UDF INKINGI, Chair Kigali, May 3, 2010

Victoire Ingabire: A THANK YOU NOTE FROM MY CAPTIVITY

http://rwandinfo.com/eng/address-of-victoire-ingabire-in-captivity-to-rwandans-and-friends-of-rwanda/ Address of Victoire Ingabire in captivity to Rwandans and Friends of Rwanda by Chief Editor Victoire Ingabire, Opposition leader in captivity. Fellow Rwandans, Friends of Rwanda, It is almost 4 months back to my homeland after 16 years in exile. It was unbearable to hear the pain and the misery of my people at thousands of miles away. Upon my arrival, the regime, the state machinery and partisan media launched unrelenting demonizing campaign. The harassment and intimidation paved the way to endless police grilling. There has been no relief at all. The reason is just to repress my political rights, to fabricate criminal records, to derail the registration of my political party UDF INKINGI and to deter my presidential eligibility. 1. Captivity You may all recall that on 21st April 2010, the Rwandan government arrested me. I spent one night in jail. My home was violently searched the same night and up to date the state police have never returned our two computers, one computer of a visitor, computer programs, digital camera, disks, flash drives, cell phones, contracts, business cards, party flyers, flags and logos, passport, driving license, and all paper documents. The following day upon my request to be granted a bail, I was provisionally released from the jail. Since then, I can neither travel abroad nor go beyond the capital city of Kigali. Held under "extended" house arrest, I also have to report to the Prosecutor's office twice a month. In reality, as it was shortly after my return, I have no freedom of movement. The only difference is that this time it is "legal". I am in captivity. I know many of you are eager and thirsty to hear live our freedom message. In this attempt to freeze our political activities and to thwart the road to democracy, the government has decided to put me "in chains" but my determination is still intact. Even though being imprisoned is something any democratic opposition leader, who is peacefully fighting against a dictatorial regime, should expect and be aware of, nobody should give up the individual liberties. I would like therefore to thank all the people who played a role in my release from jail. Particularly, I would like to thank my dear fellows UDF-Inkingi's members, who provided me with all the necessary means I crucially needed in order to stand a trial in court. I would also like to thank the Rwandan people who came massively to my court hearing. I am writing to thank you all for your support and your prayers, to inform you about the circumstances of my captivity and about my trial, and to strengthen you in the hope for a democratic and better Rwanda. 2. My trial is politically motivated Fellow Rwandans, Friends of Rwanda, This trial is trumped-up on false accusations because the prosecutor knows well that I am innocent. However, because I am engaged in a political fight, my opponents relied on media lynching of my person using public and private media and government institutions. I was even physically assaulted within the premises of an administrative building. As the time went on, my opponents came to realize that such acts of harassment and intimidation did not deter my determination. Instead, I continued to visit the Rwandan people nationwide. My opponents finally brandished the wall of laws, their own laws with their own reading. I was repeatedly summoned, almost every week since February, by the Criminal Investigation Department until my arrest and jail on 21st April 2010. Briefly why am I being harassed? What are the charges levied against me? - Promoting divisionism - Harboring genocide ideology - Creating an armed group and collaboration with the FDLR. 2.1. PROMOTING DIVISIONISM 2.1.1. We belong to an opposition political party You all know that I am the chairperson of an opposition political party. Compared to the current regime, we see things differently on several crucial issues facing our country. We refuse to be led by a one-man-rule, a state-party system for fear of being accused of divisionism. The Rwandan Constitution recognizes a multi-party system. That means the Constitution gives the Rwandan people the right to conceive and freely express dissenting political ideas. We attest that the Rwandan people live under the yoke of fear and ignorance. People are kept in perpetual extreme poverty characterized by widespread malnutrition and poor healthcare, especially in rural areas. Government officials are forcing people to destroy their banana plantations even though these plantations represent the principal source of income for the poor. The healthcare system doesn't guarantee healthcare coverage for all the Rwandan people due to scarcity and high cost of prescription drugs even though every Rwandan is required to subscribe to the universal health insurance coverage (Mutuelles de Santé). The reform of the education sector should go hand in hand with adequate infrastructures, trained human resources and relevant translated books. How will teachers deliver in languages they don't speak? This is terrible for the quality of the education. In schools, History teachers are totally confused: the regime's political manipulations are in total conflict with the facts. We are not afraid to tell the world that the Rwandans are under the yoke of fear and darkness, the hunger is acute in rural Rwanda. We are against the fact that the Gacaca courts that were traditionally responsible for settling social disputes, consider cases that require special knowledge that the criminal court judges do not have. This is even more serious because it involves crimes as serious as genocide. We are also opposed to the fact that the accused in these courts have no right to be assisted by a lawyer. Professor Andre Guichaoua, a renowned researcher from the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in Arusha, Tanzania, recently published a reference book titled "Rwanda, from War to Genocide. Criminal Politics in Rwanda, 1990-1994." In this book, Andre Guichaoua thoroughly analyzed the Gacaca court system and found that nearly all Rwandans who were at least 14 years old and were living in Rwanda before 1994 have been dragged to Gacaca courts. 2.1.2. Some utterances from the President of Rwanda are surprising The Government machinery recently suspended two independent newspapers, split two political parties while other parties have been denied authorization to hold their constituent congress, a necessary step towards the registration of any political party. They jailed politicians such as Deogratias Mushayidi and senior military officers. If someone says that there is something rotten in Rwanda's leadership, government officials are quick to brandish the law on divisionism. We say we need a democratic change, more political space, freedom of speech and the President of Rwanda claims to hold us in contempt, as worthless people, criminals, and hooligans. He even boasted about how it was patriotic to shoot people in the DRC. When I recently heard such utterances I felt deep sadness. I truly respect the President of Rwanda. I am a mother I will never dare to insult him even though he insulted me. Such a speech was delivered during the 16th commemoration of the genocide against the Tutsis and a week after before both chambers of the Senate and the National Assembly. Although I was outraged, I did not deem necessary to respond, there was nothing I could say about it. Whoever says this is not acceptable is accused of divisionism. Should we shy to denounce these utterances simply because they are from a head of state or his government? No. 2.1.3. Ethnic problems should not be taboo In Rwanda, people are afraid of discussing openly the current ethnic problem. To attest that the Rwandan population is composed of three ethnic groups is neither a crime nor a problem. The problem is to be deprived of your fundamental rights simply because you are Tutsi, Hutu, or Twa. It does not make sense to allege that there are no ethnic groups in Rwanda while we all know that Tutsis were decimated simply because of their ethnicity and were slaughtered because they were Tutsis. We attest that we already have a comprehensive plan to deal with this ethnic problem from its root causes in order to protect everybody's right to life through a legal framework that would guarantee that no Rwandan would be threatened because of his/her ethnic background. 2.2. HARBORING GENOCIDE IDEOLOGY 2.2.1. We recognize the genocide I and the political party I chair, UDF-Inkingi, which was created in 2006, we recognize that in 1994, in Rwanda, there has been genocide against the Tutsis. We also recognize that during that time, before and after, there have been crimes against humanity committed against other groups of the Rwandan population. These are facts we witnessed but also recognized by the United Nations, Resolution No 955 of November 08, 1994. We also believe that anyone who has responsibility in those unspeakable killings against humanity should be held accountable. This is what the current regime calls harboring genocide ideology or genocide denial. 2.2.2. Our position on reconciliation We advocate for national reconciliation of the Rwandan people. However, we strongly believe that true reconciliation cannot be achieved as long as the sufferings of some Rwandans who lost their relatives during those killings have not been officially recognized. We need to encourage Rwandans to talk about the tragedy with no taboo, to bring them together in order to set solid guidelines for a long lasting settlement. Justice needs to be fair and not selective. 2.2.3. Destruction of the symbol of democracy On 1st May 2010 late night, the regime masterminded the profanation of the symbol of democracy by exhuming the rests of Mr. Dominique Mbonyumutwa, the first President of the Republic of Rwanda. This is a wrong signal to the Democratic and Freedom values in Rwanda. Those manipulations of national history to suit the regime's interests are sidelining the state, becoming a separate entity from the whole society. 2.3. COLLABORATING WITH THE FDLR I refer to my speech of 16th January 2010 in Kigali upon arrival: "I am a daughter and a mother, moved by the misery and humiliations of my people. I don't need an army to defeat the dictatorship. All we need is determination, commitment and patience. The sacrifices of all committed people will overcome our misery and this endless crisis in our motherland. (…) We don't need another war in our country. Too much blood has been poured. Enough is enough…" Why do they want me to collaborate with rebels? I don't need them. They have been tackling each other for over 16 years. We need to bring this to an end. We need peace. We condemn the politics that killed nearly 5 millions of our Congolese neighbors since 1996. Those who have fought, have they achieved long lasting peace? No. Why should we be inspired by a failure? They will parade dozens, hundreds of ex-FDLR, to accuse us of any thing they want. Our answer remains the same; the war is not an answer. How one can achieve anything with that kind of paraded colonels? Why have they kept them in military facilities since 2009 before I came back home, and are making big cases of them now? The political decision to register our political party in the country to compete with this regime was not an easy decision that we took recklessly. We first put together our ideas, thoroughly analyzed many ways we should use and related consequences in order to solve the political deadlock. We chose the non-violent way in our fight for freedom, justice and democracy. FDLR rebels are Rwandans. They need sincere guarantees prior to repatriation. Those involved in crimes await fair justice. Others deserve a normal socio-professional life. If you jail a politician on suspicions of talking to elements of a rebellion how can you assure them to come home and be safe? We are in total disagreement with the current government policy of "poaching" some FDLR leaders, while encouraging the use of force against the others. I therefore solemnly set the goal that if the Rwandan people trust me and elect me as President of Rwanda, my government will hold direct talks with the FDLR. They are Rwandans and have no other country on this planet. However, those who are responsible for crimes of genocide or crimes against humanity will face justice. 3. Our position on the Rwanda Defense Forces "I am not bringing an army with me". There is a very capable army in the country. As long as the army will opt for political neutrality and work towards the fulfillment of the duties of maintaining integrity and sovereignty of the country, protecting the Rwandan people, ensuring peace and security in the region, and protecting government institutions issued from genuine democratic processes, I will always believe in that army. The Rwanda Defense Force is a key factor for the stability of this country. Many Rwandans respect the motto saying: "In the RDF, good leadership; discipline; mutual trust and respect between members; respect for the law and enduring loyalty to the constitution, are the cornerstone of our success and constant ability to be a force for good". In this respect, we strongly advocate for professionalism, carrier stability and leadership empowerment. I therefore take this opportunity to inform and assure soldiers within the RDF, who were not aware of this understanding, that this is indeed our position on the problem regarding the Rwandan army. Conclusion Fellow Rwandans, Friends of Rwanda, We call upon partner countries and the international community to support our efforts to bring about a lasting solution in Rwanda. Development indicators are encouraging but will remain fragile as long as they lack a solid foundation, as long as Rwanda is a one-man-rule. Proponents of the current regime have touted its benefits, such as faster economic growth, more economic opportunities and higher standards of living. However, this process is bypassing big swaths of particularly vulnerable populations. Large segments of the population face crushing poverty. There will be no lasting stability and no sustainable development without democracy, without fair justice, without the rule of law, without a genuine reconciliation. Those who believed that stability and development were possible in Rwanda without democratization have seen the limits. We strongly believe that long-term, sustainable economic and social development requires democratic governance rooted in the rule of law. I would like to finish this message by calling upon the President of Rwanda, Paul Kagame, to let me recover my full freedom and liberties, so that I can enjoy my political rights which are the reason I came back home from exile, hold the constitutional congress of my political party, register the party, compete during the elections and let the Rwandan people decide. God bless you all. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, UDF INKINGI, Chair Kigali, May 3, 2010

http://associazioneumoja.wordpress.com/2010/05/05/de-ma-captivite-je-vous-adresse-mes-sinceres-remerciements/ Victoire Ingabire : DE MA CAPTIVITÉ, JE VOUS ADRESSE MES SINCERES REMERCIEMENTS 2 05/05/2010 par Umoja Kigali, le 03 mai 2010 Rwandaises, Rwandais, Amis du Rwanda Cela fait environ 4 mois que je suis de retour dans mon pays natal après 16 ans d'exil. A plusieurs milliers de kilomètres, les cris de douleur et la misère de mon peuple m'interpellaient. Aussitôt arrivée au pays je suis inlassablement lynchée et diabolisée par une campagne de haine entretenue par le régime, la machine de l'Etat et une presse partisane. Le harcèlement et l'intimidation cèdent le pas à d'interminables interrogatoires dans les locaux de la police d'Etat. La raison principale consiste à me priver de mes droits politiques, à tisser un dossier criminel en vue de dérailler le processus d'enregistrement de mon parti politique FDU INKINGI et enfin de m'empêcher de me présenter aux élections présidentielles. La captivité. Comme vous le savez, le 21 avril 2010, les autorités rwandaises ont pris la décision injuste de m'emprisonner. J'ai passé la nuit en prison, en même temps mon domicile a été fouillé de fond en comble : nos 2 ordinateurs, 1 ordinateur d'un visiteur, des téléphones portables de toutes personnes qui étaient dans la maison, un caméra électronique, des cartes SIM, des flash disques, des logiciels, des CDs, des emblèmes et banderoles de mon parti, mes cartes de visites, des contrats de location, mon passeport, mon permit de conduire de l'UE et tout autre document écrit ont été emportés par la police. Le lendemain de mon arrestation, avec l'aide de mon avocat, bien que contestant le fond de l'affaire et les conditions de ma liberté, j'ai demandé et obtenu une liberté provisoire. J'ai donc été placée sous contrôle judiciaire et je n'ai aucun droit de quitter le pays ou la ville de Kigali et je suis obligée de me présenter devant le Procureur deux fois par mois. Au regard de tous les harcèlements, les persécutions et les limitations à ma liberté de mouvement que je subis depuis mon retour au pays, mes conditions de vie au Rwanda n'ont pas changé; ce qui est nouveau c'est le fait que cette fois-ci, ma semi-liberté revêt un caractère officiel car j'ai une décision formelle des obstacles qui m'ont été imposées depuis le début. Je suis en captivité. Je sais que beaucoup d'entre vous attendent avec impatience d'entendre de vive voix notre message pour la liberté. Vous savez sans doute que dans le but de bloquer nos activités politiques et d'annihiler toutes velléités démocratiques, le gouvernement a décidé de m'enchaîner mais c'est peine perdue parce que ma détermination reste intacte. Même si dans toute dictature, toute personne qui milite pacifiquement pour la démocratie est toujours prête à être emprisonnée, c'est toujours tragique d'être privé de sa liberté. Je profite de cette occasion pour remercier toutes les personnes qui se sont mobilisées pour obtenir ma libération, fût-elle conditionnelle, au premier rang desquels mes camarades des FDU-Inkingi qui m'ont trouvé les moyens et soutiens pour ma défense lors du procès, lequel a abouti à ma libération provisoire. Mes remerciements vont aussi à la population rwandaise qui est venue nombreuse assister au procès et me témoigner ainsi de son soutien dans le combat pour la démocratie. A tous, je vous adresse ce message pour vous renouveler toute ma gratitude pour votre soutient et vos prières, pour vous donner des nouvelles de ma captivité et de mon procès et enfin pour vous encourager dans la recherche d'une solution démocratique. Mon procès est un procès éminemment politique Rwandaises, Rwandais, Amis du Rwanda, Ce procès qu'on veut m'intenter est un prétexte, un faux procès car, même mes accusateurs savent pertinemment que le dossier est vide et que je suis innocente. Puisque je suis leur adversaire politique, ils ont recouru à une presse partisane qu'ils contrôlent et aux autorités administratives acquises à leur cause pour me traîner dans la boue. Ils en sont arrivés à m'attaquer physiquement dans les locaux de l'Administration du secteur de Kinyinya. Constatant que toutes ces menaces n'atteignaient pas mon moral et que je continuais de m'approcher de la population pour écouter ses réels problèmes, ils ont cette fois-ci eu l'idée lumineuse de recourir à leur « forteresse de lois », établie et interprétée à leur guise. Ils ont alors commencé à me convoquer chaque semaine, si bien que tout mon emploi du temps s'était réduit aux allers-retours entre mon domicile et les bureaux de la police criminelle (C.I.D.), ce, depuis le mois de février jusqu'au jour de mon emprisonnement le 21avril 2010. C'est ironiquement criminel de s'opposer politiquement à ce régime. En réalité, pourquoi me persécutent-ils? De quoi m'accusent-ils? Les chefs d'accusation en mon encontre sont les suivants: le divisionnisme la propagation de l'idéologie du génocide la collaboration avec les rebelles des FDLR Divisionnisme Nous sommes un parti d'opposition Comme vous le savez je dirige une formation d'opposition. Sur la plupart des problèmes qui concernent le peuple rwandais, nous avons une perception différente des problèmes, leur analyse, leur solution. Nous n'accepterons jamais de nous ranger derrière le parti-état FPR. Nous savons que pour le régime le fait de ne pas avoir la même vision que le FPR est assimilé au divisionnisme. La Constitution de notre pays, que le régime du FPR a mis en place lui-même, reconnait le pluralisme politique. Cela veut dire qu'elle reconnait le droit aux citoyens et aux autres formations d'avoir des idées politiques différentes de celles du parti au pouvoir. Nous n'avons pas peur de dire au monde entier que les Rwandais sont sous le joug de la peur et de l'obscurantisme, que la famine est criante dans les campagnes rwandaises et que les chiques, signe attestant de la grande misère dans notre pays, qui avaient disparu dans beaucoup de régions du pays, ont réaparu. Nous sommes contre les décisions qui obligent les paysans à détruire leurs bananeraies de manière totalitaire alors que c'est leur source principale de revenus, en tous cas pour la plupart d'entre eux. Nous dénonçons publiquement la gestion du système de santé, car, il y a un manque criant de médicaments dans le monde rural. Les rares médicaments disponibles coûtent trop cher et les malades doivent les acheter de leur propre poche, sans remboursement, alors que tout Rwandais adhère obligatoirement à une mutuelle. La réforme scolaire et l'anglicisation se heurtent au manque d'infrastructures de base, à l'inadéquation de la formation des enseignants et à l'absence de matériel scolaire en Anglais. Comment un enseignant peut-il dispenser des cours dans une langue qu'il ne parle pas et sans matériel pédagogique ? C'est vraiment triste pour la qualité de l'enseignement au Rwanda. Dans les écoles les professeurs d'histoires sont totalement confus : les versions contradictoires de l'histoire nationale imposées par le régime sont en contradiction avec les faits historiques. Nous sommes contre le fait que les Tribunaux Gacaca, qui dans la tradition rwandaise, étaient chargés de trancher des contentieux interindividuels et sociaux, jugent des affaires qui demandent des connaissances en matière pénale que les juges de ces tribunaux ne possèdent pas. Cela s'avère d'autant plus grave qu'il s'agit des crimes aussi graves que le génocide. Nous sommes aussi opposés au fait que les accusés de ces tribunaux ne disposent d'aucun droit à être assistés par un avocat. Un éminent chercheur, expert près le Tribunal Pénal International pour le Rwanda, sis à Arusha, le Pr. André Guichaoua, qui vient de sortir un opus intitulé ''Rwanda, de la guerre au génocide'', a analysé les procès jugés par les Tribunaux Gacaca; il est arrivé à la conclusion que toute personne agée d'au moins 14 ans et qui vivait au Rwanda en 1994, a comparu comme accusé devant lesdits tribunaux populaires. Nous ne sommes pas non plus d'accord avec le régime sur le sort réservé à nos frères du Congo, tués depuis 1996 et dont le nombre de morts dépasse 5 millions si l'on en croit les rapports d'experts onusiens et indépendants. Ce sont entre autres tous ces désacords avec le régime en place qui nous valent les accusations de divisionnisme. Certaines déclarations du Président Kagame montrent un manque de réserve de la part d'un chef d'Etat Le pouvoir suspend des journaux indépendants, crée des divisions dans les partis politiques qui ne lui sont pas inféodés, empêche les autres de tenir leurs assemblées constituantes, emprisonne des opposants politiques comme Déo Mushayidi et des officiers supérieurs. Et l'on voudrait que l'on se taise pour éviter d'etre taxé de divisionniste. Lorsque nous revendiquons le droit d'expression, la liberté tout court, le Président  répond qu'il s'en fout, que ses opposants n'ont aucune valeur, que ce sont des hooligans et des criminels. Il a aussi venté les mérites patriotiques de tirer sur des gens au Congo. Même si le Président de la République se plait à m'insulter sur la voie publique, moi je le respecte comme chef de l'Etat. Je suis une mère et je ne peux répliquer à ce genre d'attaques mais entendre ces mots de la bouche du chef de l'Etat m'a trop peinée. J'ai été accablée d'entendre un tel discours prononcé dans la période de commémoration du génocide des Tutsis et, aussi, devant les deux Chambres du Parlement réunies. Par respect pour tous les rescapés du génocide, je n'ai pas voulu réagir. Devrions-nous encore être accusés de divisionnisme puisque nous dénonçons un tel langage de la part du chef de l'Etat ou de son gouvernement? Non. La question ethnique ne devrait pas rester tabou Le problème ethnique est devenu tabou, personne n'ose en parler ouvertement. Dire que le peuple rwandais est composé de trois ethnies n'est pas un délit et ne constitue pas de problème en soi. Le problème est d'être discriminé à cause de son appartenance ethnique tutsi, hutu ou twa. Comment oser affirmer qu'il n'existe pas d'ethnies au Rwanda quand il est de notoriété publique que le génocide et les massacres qui se sont déroulés au Rwanda, l'ont été sur base ethnique? Nous affirmons bel et bien qu'un génocide a visé les Tutsi, ils ont été pouchassés et tués parcequ'ils étaient Tutsi. Nous voulons mettre en place une vraie politique visant à examiner sans complaisance ce problème afin de prévenir qu'un tel drame ne se reproduise dans l'avenir et que nul ne soit discriminé du fait de son origine ethnique. La vie de tout un chacun est sacrée, elle doit être préservée et protegée par la loi et par les institutions. Nous affirmons cela et l'on nous accuse, ma formation politique et moi, de divisionnisme. Propagation de l'idéologie génocidaire Nous reconnaissons le génocide Ma formation politique, FDU-Inkingi, fondée en 2006 et moi-même, reconnaissons qu'en 1994 il y a eu au Rwanda un génocide contre les Tutsi. Nous reconnaissons aussi qu'avant, pendant et après 1994, il y a eu au Rwanda des crimes contre l'humanité ayant visé les autres composantes de la population rwandaise. Ce sont des faits établis auxquels certains d'entre nous ont assisté et qui ont été reconnus par l'Organisation des Nations Unies dans sa Résolution 955/1994. Nous affirmons aussi sans ambages que toute personne ayant une responsabilité dans ces crimes doit répondre de ses actes devant la justice. Pour le régime actuel, ce langage constitue une négation et une idéologie du génocide. Notre vision de la réconciliation Nous voulons la réconciliation du peuple rwandais, et nous savons qu'aucune réconciliation ne sera possible aussi longtemps que la souffrance de toutes les victimes ne sera pas reconnue. Nous encourageons les Rwandais à discuter sans tabou de la tragédie. Ils devront s'asseoir ensemble pour jeter une base solide pour une solution durable. La justice doit être équitable et non sélective. Destruction du symbole de la démocratie Dans la nuit du premier mai 2010, le régime a ordonné la profanation du symbole de la démocratie et l'exhumation des restes de M. Dominique Mbonyumutwa, le premier président de la République Rwandaise. C'est un signal fort contre les libertés et valeurs démocratiques au Rwanda.  Ces manipulations de l'histoire nationale pour des intérêts du régime constituent une rupture entre l'Etat et la société. 2.3. Collaboration avec les FDLR Souvenez-vous de mon discours du 16 janvier 2010 à l'aéroport de Kanombe, à mon arrivée sur le sol rwandais après 16 ans d'exil. Je vous ai dit ceci: « Je suis une fille, une mère qui rentre dans mon pays, je rentre pour mener un combat pacifique, je rentre pour qu'ensemble nous nous libérions du joug de la peur, de la pauvreté. Dans nos différences de points de vue, de projets et de convictions, je viens construire avec vous notre pays. Je ne suis pas accompagnée par une armée, car, je viens auprès de vous, mes parents, mes frères, mes petites et grandes soeurs. Personne ne peut barrer la route à un enfant qui rentre chez lui. (…) Nous n'avons pas besoin d'une autre guerre. Beaucoup de sang a été versé. Trop c'est trop…» Que devrais-je avoir ajouté à ce discours pour convaincre les autorités rwandaises de ma bonne foi ? Les rebelles, je n'en ai pas besoin. Pendant 16 ans, les FDLR et le régime se sont côtoyés. Ceci doit s'arrêter. Nous voulons la paix. Nous condamnons avec la dernière énergie cette politique qui a décimé environ 5 millions de congolais depuis 1996. Finir définitivement la question des FDLR c'est aussi en partie, rechercher une solution dans l'est de la RDC. Les gens qui ont guerroyé n'ont pas gagné la paix. Pourquoi devrions-nous nous inspirer d'un échec? Ils vont faire défiler des dizaines et des centaines d'ex FDLR pour m'accuser de collaboration ou d'autres choses qu'ils décideront. Notre réponse va rester la même. La guerre n'est pas une solution. A quoi peut-on arriver avec des soi-disant colonels pareils ? Pour quoi les ont-ils enfermés dans des établissements militaires sans procès depuis 2009, quelques mois avant mon retour au pays, pour les utiliser aujourd'hui contre moi ? La décision de venir faire la politique au Rwanda de manière pacifique contre un régime dictatorial a été prise après mûres réflexions. Nous avons longuement examiné tous les scenarii pour résoudre les problèmes politiques du Rwanda, en avons aussi mesuré les conséquences de chaque approche. Nous avons choisi la voie pacifique afin d'éviter une nouvelle effusion de sang et pour préserver la recomposition encore possible du tissu social rwandais. Les FDLR sont des Rwandais. Ils ont besoin de garanties pour rentrer sans armes dans leur pays. Ceux qui sont impliqués dans les crimes de génocide et autres crimes contre l'humanité vont s'expliquer devant une justice équitable. Les autres méritent une réinsertion socioprofessionnelle. Mais si vous emprisonnez une personne soupçonnée de parler aux membres de la rébellion comment allez-vous les convaincre de rentrer dans la paix, et de ne pas moisir en prison ? Nous sommes en désaccord total avec la politique actuelle du gouvernement de "débaucher" quelques dirigeants des FDLR, tout en privilégiant l'usage de la force contre tous les autres, Je prends l'engagement solennel que si le peuple plaçait sa confiance en moi et m'élisait pour présider à la destinée de ce pays, mon gouvernement va entamer des négociations directes avec les FDLR. Ils ne disposent pas d'autre pays que le Rwanda sur cette planète. La vision des FDU-Inkingi concernant le problème de l'armée nationale "Je ne suis pas accompagnée d'une armée, je viens vers vous". Ce principe est fondamental et j'y reste attachée. Notre armée est capable. Aussi longtemps que l'armée ne sera pas au service d'un individu mais au service de la Nation avec comme mission constitutionnelle de sauvegarder la souveraineté de la nation, d'assurer la sécurité de tous les Rwandais, de protéger et de respecter les institutions issues d'une consultation démocratique transparente, de promouvoir la paix au niveau régional. Je reconnais cette armée. Il s'agit d'une véritable armée nationale. L'armée veut une gestion professionnelle de la carrière des militaires qui la compose. Elle ne voudrait pas être prise en otage par un individu. Je voudrais rassurer ceux qui, parmi les Forces de Défence Rwandaises et parmi la Police Nationale, n'avaient pas encore pris connaissance de notre vision de l'armée nationale. Conclusion Rwandaises, Rwandais, Amis du Rwanda, Je prie les représentants des pays amis du Rwanda ainsi que la communauté  internationale de nous appuyer dans notre effort de construire un Etat de droit, respectueux des libertés fondamentales de la personne humaine. Il n'est en effet pas de développement durable sans liberté et toute vision de la stabilité politique par la dictature est la négation même de la stabilité.  Des signes encourageants de développement resteront fragiles si  le pays est géré par une dictature d'un homme. Des encenseurs du régime lui ont trouvé des avantages  en rapport avec une croissance économique sans précédent et l'amélioration des conditions de vie. Ces affirmations ignorent la misère de la masse rurale. La majorité de la population rwandaise croule dans une pauvreté totale. Il n'y aura jamais de véritable solution, jamais de développement viable si celui-ci n'a pas de fondation solide qu'est la démocratie, l'état de droit et une politique de réconciliation nationale sérieuse. Ceux qui ont pensé que c'était possible ont vu les limites de cette approche. Je termine en demandant au Président de la République, le Général Paul Kagame, d'accepter le recouvrement de ma liberté totale afin que je m'attele à la mission à l'origine de mon retour d'exil, à savoir, faire de la politique. Je dois organiser le congrès constitutif de mon parti, le faire enregistrer afin qu'il soit agréé pour mener librement ses activités politiques. Je lui demande de permettre le déroulement d'élections transparentes afin que le peuple choisisse librement son prochain président. Que dieu vous bénisse tous. Mme Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza Présidente des FDU-Inkingi