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Thursday, 20 December 2012
Obama urges Rwandan president to stop support for M23 rebels in Congo
Rwanda-USA : sous pression, Obama avertit Kagame
http://www.jambonews.net/actualites/20121220-rwanda-usa-sous-pression-obama-avertit-kagame/Rwanda-USA : sous pression, Obama avertit KagameBarack Obama a téléphoné à Paul Kagame afin de lui souligner l'importance de cesser « de manière permanente tout soutien à des groupes rebelles en RDC » estimant qu' « un soutien au groupe rebelle M23 était incompatible » avec « le désir de stabilité et de paix du Rwanda » a annoncé la maison blanche ce mardi 18 décembre dans un communiqué ; une déclaration qui sonne comme un avertissement aux oreilles du dirigeant rwandais. Pour Human Rights Wach, les « paroles d'Obama arrivent tard au regard de l'intensité de la détérioration de la situation au cours des derniers mois » mais l'association de défense des Droits de l'Homme salue la tenue de « discussions à ce niveau » a déclaré Carina Tertsaskian au « Guardian ». Fortement critiqué ces dernières semaines par différents groupes de pression en raison du manque de condamnation du Rwanda pour son soutien au M23, Barack Obama a finalement cédé à la pression qui s'accentuait sur ses épaules et a appelé le Président rwandais pour lui demander de cesser tout soutien aux « groupes rebelles en RDC » faisant référence au M23. La semaine dernière, 15 associations ainsi que des Think-Tank influents avaient qualifié d' « échec » la politique d'Obama dans la région des grands lacs et avaient dénoncé une « diplomatie silencieuse, n'ayant pas réussi à stopper les incursions continues du Rwanda ainsi que l'utilisation, en RDC, de groupes armés qui lui sont inféodés». En parallèle, plusieurs députés et sénateurs américains avaient élevé la voix et avaient demandé à l'administration Obama de « prendre des mesures plus sévères contre le Rwanda en raison de son soutien aux rebelles du M23 qui terrorisent la population civile à l'Est de la RDC ». « L'ONU est responsable des rebellions en RDC » Quelques jours avant, lors de la dixième édition du dialogue national qui s'est tenue les 13 et 14 décembre 2012, Paul kagame, s'était pour sa part, à nouveau exprimé sur les accusations de soutien de son régime au M23 et les avait à nouveau rejetées de manière catégorique. Le numéro un rwandais avait accusé l'ONU d'être responsable des rebellions en RDC et avait comparé la situation à celle d'un meurtrier qui dépose le corps de sa victime devant la porte de son voisin et appelle la police pour l'accuser. (http://www.jambonews.net/en/news/20121219-kagame-the-un-is-the-cause-of-the-congolese-uprising/) Situation à Goma Sur le terrain, malgré le départ du M23 de la ville de Goma, la situation sécuritaire demeure précaire et la population vit dans la crainte d'une nouvelle offensive du M23. Depuis le 8 décembre en effet plusieurs sources locales, ont affirmé avoir des bataillons rwandais pénétrer dans Goma. Mais à l'heure actuelle, ni la MONUSCO, ni le mécanisme conjoint de vérification des frontières n'ont été en mesure de confirmer ou infirmer ces allégations. Interrogé à ce sujet, Lambert Mende, le porte-parole du gouvernement congolais s'est également refusé de commenter se bornant à déclarer : « ce n'est pas seulement le M23 qui est autour de Goma. C'est tout ce que je peux dire ». Selon le département d'Etat américain, la crise au Congo a entrainé, depuis 1997, la mort de 5 millions de personnes et obligé des millions d'autres à quitter leur foyer. Ruhumuza Mbonyumutwa |
Book: Transitional Justice in Rwanda-Accountability for Atrocity
Transitional Justice in RwandaAccountability for AtrocityBy Gerald GahimaPublished December 19th 2012 by Routledge – 432 pages Purchasing Options:
DescriptionTransitional Justice in Rwanda: Accountability for Atrocity comprehensively analyzes the full range of the transitional justice processes undertaken for the Rwandan genocide. Drawing on the author's extensive professional experience as the principal justice policy maker and the leading law enforcement officer in Rwanda from 1996-2003, the book provides an in-depth analysis of the social, political and legal challenges faced by Rwanda in the aftermath of the genocide and the aspirations and legacy of transitional justice. The book explores the role played by the accountability processes not just in pursuing accountability but also in shaping the reconstruction of Rwanda's institutions of democratic governance and political reconciliation. Central to this exploration will be the examination of whether or not transitional justice in Rwanda has contributed to a foundational rule of law reform process. While recognizing the necessity of pursuing accountability for mass atrocity, the book argues that a maximal approach to accountability for genocide may undermine the promotion of core objectives of transitional justice. Taking on one of the key questions facing practitioners and scholars of transitional justice today, the book suggests that the pursuit of mass accountability, particularly where socio-economic resources and legal capacity is limited, may destabilize the process of rule of law reform, endangering core human rights norms. Moreover, the book suggests that pursuing a strategy of mass accountability may undermine the process of democratic transition, particularly in a context where impunity for crimes committed by the victors of armed conflicts persists. Highlighting the ongoing democratic deficit in Rwanda and resulting political instability in the Great Lakes region, the book argues that the effectiveness of transitional justice ultimately hinges on the nature and success of political transition. Contents1. Theoretical Framework of Transitional Justice 2. A Decade of Atrocities 3. Accountability for Mass Atrocity: Challenges, Choices and Goals 3. National Prosecutions 4. Accountability, Justice and the Role of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda 5. National Prosecutions 6. Seeking Alternative Accountability Mechanisms 7. Trials based on Universal Jurisdiction 8. Untold Story, Unfinished Business; Confronting the Crimes of the Victors 9. Assessing the Impact and legacy of Rwanda's processes of Accountability for Atrocity 10. Tentative Lessosns from Rwanda's mechanisms of Accountability for Atrocity 11. Conclusion Author BioGerald Gahima was central to the rebuilding of Rwanda's justice system in the aftermath of the 1994 genocide, first as the chief of staff to the Rwandan Minister of Justice from 1996-1999, and subsequently as the country's Attorney General from 1999-2003. He now works as an independent consultant to various organizations, including UN bodies, on issues relating to the rule of law and reconstruction of post conflict countries. Name: Transitional Justice in Rwanda: Accountability for Atrocity (Paperback) – Routledge |
Book: Britain's Hidden Role in the Rwandan Genocide
Britain's Hidden Role in the Rwandan GenocideThe Cat's PawBy Hazel CameronPublished November 20th 2012 by Routledge – 160 pages Purchasing Options:
DescriptionBritain's Hidden Role in the Rwandan Genocide examines the role of the United Kingdom as a global elite bystander to the crime of genocide, and its complicity, in violation of international criminal laws during the Rwandan genocide of 1994. As prevailing accounts confine themselves to the role and actions of the United States and the United Nations, the full picture of Rwanda's genocide has yet to be revealed. Hazel Cameron demonstrates that it is the unravelling of the criminal role and actions of the British that illuminates a more detailed answer to the question of 'why' the genocide in Rwanda occurred. In this book, she provides a systematic and detailed analysis of the policies of the British Government towards civil unrest in Rwanda throughout the 1990s that culminated in genocide. Utilising documentary evidence obtained as a result of Freedom of Information requests to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, as well as material obtained through extensive interviews - with British government cabinet members, diplomats, Ambassadors to the United Nations Security Council, prisoners in Rwanda convicted of being leaders and organisers of genocide, and victims and survivors of genocide in Rwanda – the author finds that the actions of the British and French governments, both before and during the Rwandan genocide of 1994, were disassociated from human rights norms. It is suggested herein that the decision-making of the Major government during the period of 1990 – 1994 was for the advancement of the interrelated goals of maintaining power status and ensuring economic interests in key areas of Africa. This account of the legal culpability of the powerful within the corridors of government, in both London and Paris, shows that these behaviours cannot be conceptualised under existing notions of state crime. This book serves to illuminate the inadequacies and limitations of a concept of state crime in international law as it currently stands, and will be of considerable interest to anyone concerned with the misuse of state power. ContentsChapter 1: An Introduction; Chapter 2: Global Elite Bystanders, Genocide Complicity; Chapter 3: Reading the Histories of Rwanda; Chapter 4: The Specter of Genocide in Rwanda and its Aftermath: Internal and External Responsibility for Genocide; Chapter 5: The French 'Resolution'; Chapter 6: Britain, Uganda and the RPF; Chapter 7: How Britain responded; Chapter 8: A conclusion; Notes; References Author BioHazel Cameron is lecturer in the School of International Relations at the University of St Andrews. Hazel is affiliated to the International State Crime Initiative (ISCI) based at King's College London in association with Harvard University and the University of Hull. Name: Britain's Hidden Role in the Rwandan Genocide: The Cat's Paw (Hardback) – Routledge |
-“The root cause of the Rwandan tragedy of 1994 is the long and past historical ethnic dominance of one minority ethnic group to the other majority ethnic group. Ignoring this reality is giving a black cheque for the Rwandan people’s future and deepening resentment, hostility and hatred between the two groups.”
-« Ce dont j’ai le plus peur, c’est des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre ».
-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”
-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”
-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”
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