DRC: What To Do? Experts' Views

http://www.afroamerica.net/AfricaGL/2012/08/23/drc-what-to-do-experts-views/

by AfroAmerica Network on August 23, 2012

Our article titled: "DRC: What is Wrong With Raymond Tshibanga and Lambert Mende's Diplomacy and Communication" has generated a lot of noise in Kinshasa and quite a lot of e-mails and comments. Several e-mails asked AfroAmerica Network to make recommendations and outline what to do instead of always pointing to what is wrong. A lot of our readers appreciated the analysis contained in our articles and the balance in the content. However a few vocal readers  felt that AfroAmerica Network was too hard on the DRC Government and not tough enough on the aggressors, meaning Rwanda and Uganda. Yet, another small set of readers said AfroAmerica Network was too aggressive when it came to Rwanda and chose to ignore the responsibility of the DRC Government in the crises in Eastern DRC.

• AfroAmerica is a News Medium and Leaves the Rest to Experts and Analysts

Let us be straight: AfroAmerica Network is a news medium and tries to give the facts as they are known without taking sides, proposing solutions, or making recommendations. Sometimes, AfroAmerica Network gets the help of experts who can provide their views. This what we could do in this instance to address the concerns of and  the requests from our readers: We asked our experts on the Great Lakes region of Africa to do their analysis and propose solutions.

In the following paragraphs , we summarize the positions of the experts.

Experts' Views on What Has To Be Done About the Conflict in DRC

• What are the cause of the conflicts.

 The position is unanimous: the root causes  of the conflict i Eastern DRC are  the ineptitude of the successive regimes in DRC and Rwanda from the independence to date and the unresolved issues of the Rwandan crisis of the early 1990s.  Some pointed to the coveted resources of the DRC by Rwandan leaders and multinational companies, but we found that if this were true, then what makes it possible is the fragility or the lack of reliable institutions in DRC, hence the ineptitude of DRC leaders.

• What is the role of the DRC, Rwanda and Ugandan governments in aggravating the conflict.

 DRC Government: the experts argue that DRC government has very weak institutions and appears to lack  vision and a sense of purpose.  These gaps create a vacuum, filled either by neighbors seeking their own interests or multinationals in search or raw materials.

Rwanda Government: Rwandan government appears to be driven by two motives: breathing space and insecurity. Rwanda is poor and DRC is rich. Rwandan leaders take advantage of DRC weak institutions to grab all the riches they can find. At the same time, Rwanda is led by a brutal despotic regime composed of a tiny minority within a minority. The tiny minority at the helm of the Rwandan government can only survive by maintaining a state of permanent insecurity around them. That allows them to repress any descent using the insecurity as an excuse.

Ugandan Government: there is a similitude between Rwandan and Ugandan Governments, although the repression in Uganda is less apparent and Uganda is richer than Rwanda. However the motives appear the same and the lack of democracy in both countries leads to the same behavior. Where Rwanda uses FDLR as an excuse, Uganda uses ADF. However, Rwanda also uses the Congolese Tutsis as another excuse and hence has  readily made and available proxy militias and warlords. Ugandan does not have an ethnic group in DRC of its own and has to rely on disaffected Congolese leaders to rally proxy militias.

• What to do.

There are two types of approaches in defining what to do: selfish interests and common good

 Selfish interests

According to most experts,  DRC  is a country which is the envy of so many actors with their own shrewd interests. Hence, DRC leaders may also be tempted to appose  their own  shrewdness and claim their right place in the world arena. For example, with regard to the current conflict,  DRC government may attempt three actions:

1. Obtain by any mean possible a formal condemnation of Rwanda and Uganda by UN Security Council.
2. Declare war on Rwanda first and if successful, on  Uganda
3. Declare that any country or corporation which does not cut aid to Rwanda and Uganda will not be allowed to conduct business in DRC. DRC has already the support of the USA, the Netherlands, Great Britain, Sweden, etc. The DRC leaders may leverage the support and put pressure on the remaining super powers.

Rwanda and Uganda can also pursue their own selfish interests.

Rwanda: Rwanda needs a breathing space for its growing population. Landlocked with limited resources and overcrowded, Rwanda is pressed  by multiple challenges. The meet these challenges involves finding ways to reduce overcrowding and leverage the vast resources from its neighbors.  Hence, the Rwandan Government may push forward with the invasion of Eastern DRC and accept the risk of  a timid worldwide condemnation, which means taking the heat until the fire wanes. In a sense, that is what the Rwandan President General Paul Kagame appears to be doing and hoping to achieve.  Following with that approach, Rwandan Defense Forces would occupy Eastern DRC and make it a South-Sudan type of country with Rwanda as its main backer.

Uganda: Uganda does not need a breathing space. Yet, the DRC resources and the economic rewards from having greater influence Eastern DRC remain attractive.  Uganda's economic interests could be achieved by placing in Eastern DRC  Congolese leaders who are friendly to Uganda and willing to accommodate Ugandan interests. Ugandan Government appears to have decided that  sponsoring disaffected DRC leaders is less costly and keeps them under the radar of the international community

Pursuing Common Interests and Good is more Rewarding than Aiming Selfish Goals

Unfortunately for Uganda, Rwanda and DRC, pursuing idiosyncratic selfish interests may not only provide short term rewards but can be, in the long run,  a shot in the foot. Well thought out common interests appear to be definitely the best  course of action.

The common interests may be articulated around reaching the following goals:

* DRC:  territorial integrity and strong institutions

* Rwanda: breathing and economic space

* Uganda: economic interests

The three  seemingly separate goals are actually linked and may present win-win opportunities. This requires that the three government genuinely  work together and make sure the other parties understand and buy in in their  goals.

Rwanda-Tanzania-Gabon Experiment Provides Lessons.

Belgian colonization was sending Rwandan and Burundian labor to the Congo, but that was done in the interest of Belgium not Rwandans or Congolese. A better example is what Rwandans initiated themselves. Former Rwandan leaders, especially the late  Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana were visionary in that sense. The late Rwandan president  signed agreements with Tanzania and Gabon, for these countries to take in Rwandan immigrants. Gabon and Tanzania got an industrious and cheap labor and Rwanda got space for its population.  There was a common understanding that as soon as Rwandans  emigrate to Tanzania or Gabon, they would  become part of the social fabric of these countries.

Unfortunately, the initiative  quickly faltered due to poor execution: Rwandan leaders did not explain the initiative to the candidates for expatriation. The Rwanda Government had also only sent peasants who did not have educated leaders to guide them and help them in the first months of transition. Tanzanian and Gabonese officials also failed to explain the initiative to their own constituents and local and traditional leaders. Local leaders and their subjects viewed the Rwandan emigrants  as intruders and resented them.

Already after a few month, it was clear the initiatives had failed. Most of the first candidates to expatriation had returned to Rwanda after a year or two.

It may be  time to revisit the experiment and this time focus on execution.  DRC would accept an open immigration of Rwandans and Ugandans,  and Rwanda and Uganda would be open to Congolese. Rwandans and Ugandans who want to invest in DRC  would be welcome and given the same facilities as Congolese. Land acquisition  will be allowed with the explicit agreement that Congolese customs and traditional institutions would be respected.  Rwandans and Ugandan emigrants and the business people will also have to respect Congolese traditional authorities.

Requirements for Success.

To be successful  in this endeavor the three governments must meet certain requirements.

DRC: DRC must have strong state institutions and a disciplined, lean, and well trained military. DRC must seek the help from the international community to clean up its corrupt bureaucracy, the judiciary, and the  police and to strengthen its fledgling democracy.

Rwanda: The government in Rwanda  is a brutal military dictatorship. Rwandan government  must have a firm commitment to democracy and really show concrete proofs of democratizing  its institutions and demilitarizing the state.  Rwandan government must work with the DRC and  the international community to peacefully resolve the issue of Rwandan refugees and rebel groups.

Uganda: Uganda is dictatorship in sunset. The days of the current regime appears numbered. However, it may be beneficial  for the Ugandan leaders to engage on the path of democratization and peaceful resolution of  the issue of its own rebellions.

Only then, peace, security and prosperity will be possible in the region. That is what should be done.

DRC Demands Uganda Explain Role in N. Kivu

http://www.voanews.com/content/drc-demands-uganda-explain-role-in-restive-east/1528813.html

M23 rebel fighters occupy Rumangabo, after government troops abandoned the town, 23km north of the eastern Congolese city of Goma, July 28, 2012.

• Uganda Blasts New Allegations of Helping Congo Rebels

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VOA News

October 18, 2012

The Democratic Republic of Congo has asked Uganda to explain what involvement it may have with rebels in Congo's North Kivu province.

DRC Information Minister Lambert Mende spoke to VOA's English to Africa service, a day after a leaked U.N. report said both Uganda and Rwanda are giving military support to the rebel group known as M23.

Besides an explanation from Uganda, Mende said Congo wants to know Uganda's position on certain officials named in the report. 

"We are very eager to know what measures they are going to take on those people, maybe to punish them or not," he said.

He said the response will help officials determine whether Uganda is taking hostile action against the DRC.

Uganda and Rwanda have both denied supporting M23, which has battled Congo's army and taken control of the Rutshuru territory.

Rwanda was one of five countries elected to non-permanent seats on the U.N. Security Council Thursday. Before the vote, the DRC voiced an objection, saying Rwanda is a destabilizing force in eastern Congo.

Rwanda's Foreign Minister Louise Mushikiwabo told VOA Wednesday that her country is cooperating with the DRC.

Mende rejected that idea, and said Congo has asked the U.N. Security Council to impose sanctions on Rwandan officials.

"We think that the Security Council must take into account the necessity of saving human lives," said Mende. "So, they should act as quickly as possible."

Eastern Congo has endured years of conflict involving the government and various armed groups, including Uganda's Lord's Resistance Army and Rwandan Hutu rebels.  Fighting and unrest have displaced hundreds of thousands of people.

The area is home to productive mines that many groups seek to control for financial gain. Efforts to integrate the Congolese groups into the army have met with only limited success.

M23 consists of former soldiers who deserted the army earlier this year.

The U.N. report leaked Wednesday was prepared by the Group of Experts, a U.N. Security Council committee.

It says M23 is commanded by Rwandan Minister of Defense James Kabarebe. It also says the rebels' chain of command includes former Congolese General Bosco Ntaganda, who is wanted by the International Criminal Court on war crimes charges, including the alleged recruitment of child soldiers.

Rwanda: Kagame puts down marker for third term

Pro-democracy activists fear that Rwandan strongman plans to extend his term in office

Rwandans campaigning for democracy in their country yesterday said that they were "chilled to the bone" by a signal sent by the strong-arm President Paul Kagame that he intends to extend his term in power.

An independent analyst went further, saying that comments made by Mr Kagame yesterday during a visit to neighbouring Uganda could destabilise the Great Lakes region by leaving no option open to the Rwandan opposition other than to take up arms.

Mr Kagame has been in power since the end of the Rwandan genocide in 1994. For a long time he enjoyed wide international support as a result of Western guilt over its failure to prevent the killing of hundreds of thousands of Tutsis. In a legacy of Tony Blair's era, Britain remains one of the leading advocates of Mr Kagame's regime. But amid growing claims – strenuously denied – that Mr Kagame's supporters are ordering political assassinations, human-rights activists increasingly denounce his regime.

Speaking at a press conference in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, he contradicted previous categorical assurances that he would step down at the end of his constitutional two terms in office. His comments came after Rwanda's Internal Security Minister Sheikh Fazil Musa Harerimana was quoted calling for the constitution to be changed so that the President could run again.

Mr Kagame claimed anyone asking for him to run again was exercising their freedom of expression. Reuters reported that he said: "I will not be uncomfortable at all with people saying this or the other. There's contradiction, on one hand you say people should have freedom to express themselves. On the other hand, you start questioning somebody expressing himself."

Mr Kagame, who led the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) to victory in the rebel war linked to the genocide, was re-elected last year. His main opponent, Victoire Ingabire, remains in jail after she was prevented from running in the election.

The next elections are not due until 2017. Analyst Paul-Simon Handy said Mr Kagame's early move to reveal his intentions suggests deep internal divisions in the ruling RPF.

Mr Handy, a Cameroonian who is head of research at the Institute for Security Studies in Pretoria, South Africa, said: "The fact that Kagame is openly floating the idea of changing the constitution is extremely dangerous. It marks a radical switch in his tactics. He has always previously said that Rwanda is a constitutional country and that he will abide by the constitution. Given the level of repression in Rwanda, the opposition will consider taking up arms to be their only option."

Joseph Matata, a human-rights activist, said from Brussels, he was "chilled to the bone" by the prospect of Mr Kagame remaining in power and the potential bloodshed that could result from such a move. "Kagame faces being arrested for war crimes carried out in Eastern Congo (where Rwanda supports rebel groups guarding mineral deposits) and he knows that international judges will not touch him as long as he is President," Mr Matata, who leads the Centre Opposed to Impunity and Injustice in Rwanda, said.

The opposition Parti Social Imberakuri's co-ordinator in Brussels, Jean-Baptisre Ryumugabe, said: "We are not surprised that the call for a third term has come through the Internal Security Minister. Kagame always floats his ideas through his close collaborators."

Mr Ryumugabe denied the opposition would take up arms. "As democrats we believe in peaceful means," he said.

Human-rights activists have in recent months denounced an apparent rise in the number of attempts on the lives of Mr Kagame's critics. The most recent was the journalist Charles Ingabire, who was shot dead on 1 December at a bar in Kampala.

Mr Kagame said that Mr Ingabire was a thief who was killed because he stole from an association of genocide survivors.

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/kagame-puts-down-marker-for-third-term-6276163.html

 

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·         Norway: Rwandan 'made genocide victims dig own graves'

·         Gorilla areas bombed by Congo rebels

 

Imelda Marcos of Rwanda: Jeannette Kagame has enriched herself, friends and In-laws.

Imelda Marcos of Rwanda: Jeannette Kagame has enriched herself, friends and In-laws.

Jeannette Nyiramongi Kagame her lifestyle is identical to the former first lady of Philippines Imelda Marcos

The Rwandan first Lady Jeannette Nyiramongi Kagame her lifestyle is identical to the former first lady of Philippines Imelda Marcos the widow of the late President Ferdinand Marcos who ruled Philippines with an Iron hand from 1965-1986. The Marcos family fled to Hawaii (via Guam) On February 25, 1986, after their regime was toppled by the four-day People Power Revolution at EDSA. Jeannette Kagame has enriched herself in the same way as Imelda Marcos and in fact these days the real power behind the Kagame's presidential throne is Jeannette.

As I explore the Jeanette's power and wealth I would like to take the reader of this article to the similarities of these two Iron ladies and extravagance life style. Imelda Marcos is sometimes referred to as the Steel Butterfly or the Iron Butterfly; she is often remembered for symbols of the extravagance of her husband's political reign, including her collection of 2,700 pairs of shoes. Imelda Marcos is well loved by those she shares wealth with; in the same way Jeannette is to her group of thieves who have milked the Rwandan society without mercy. In 2011, Imelda Marcos declared her net worth to be 932.8 million pesos (US$22 million), parliamentary records show, as she continues to fight the government over her assets more than two decades after her husband's reign ended. Imelda is the second-richest Philippine politician behind boxing hero and congressman Manny Pacquiao.

Like Imelda Marcos, Jeannette Kagame has amassed wealth through crooks and proxies in order to evade the public scrutiny. It is on record that after Gen Kayumba Nyamwas's falling apart with Kagame, the anger of Kagame and his family extended to the family of Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa. Rosette Kayumba who jointly owned the Green Hills Academy with Jeannette was stabbed in the back and her shares were sold or taken by Jeanette.

Apparently all the business in Rwanda and beyond is conducted by Jeanette or her proxies. Indeed, the wealth and power in Rwanda is in the hands of a clique of few individuals which was called Akazu during Habyarimana's regime. This Akazu has resurfaced in Kagame's regime which includes Jeannette Kagame in the same way as Agatha Kanziga Habyariman operated in her husband's regime. Others on the list of Akazu, are Gen. Jack Nziza(the Maliyamungu of Id Amin) and James Musoni the Minister of Local Government.

The list does not spare the most trusted business men who operate business on behalf of Jeannette Kagame or Akazu family. Indeed, these business men are called the Kabuga of Kagame and Family. They include Ntazinda, Rushema, Alexandre, Egide Gatera, Mulefu, Ngarambe just to mention a few. These men have eliminated all other business competitors who are perceived not be RPF sympathizers or just unwanted by the clique.

As the Rwandan first lady is trying to catch up with Imelda Marcos whose extravagant lifestyle reportedly included five-million-dollar shopping tours in New York, Rome and Copenhagen in 1983, and sending a plane to pick up Australian white sand for a new beach resort. She also purchased a number of properties in Manhattan in the 1980s, including the $51-million Crown Building, the Woolworth Building (40 Wall Street and the $60-million Herald Centre). However after falling from grace to grass her New York real estate was later seized and sold, along with much of her jewels and most of her 175 piece art collection, which included works by Michelangelo, Botticelli, and Canaletto. She responded to criticisms of her extravagance by claiming that it was her "duty" to be "some kind of light, a star to give the poor guidelines. In almost in the same way, Jeannette Kagame through Eugene Gasana who is now the Rwandan Ambassador to New York from Germany where he was in charge among other official duties was to purchase the latest designs for the first family. He also operated ALTEL on behalf of the first family before his political assignments. Richard Murefu who is Jeannette's brother runs a fleet of business empires on behalf of his sister Jeanerette. Murefu on behalf of Jeannette has bought two largest tea estates. He has also been given the contract of supplying fuel to the Civil Aviation Authority and the Army through the first family proxy of Egide Gatera. Again through Murefu , Jeanette gains from the big concerts organized by the Ministry of Youth under the cover of their company which is in fact jointly owned by the first lady's family. They also own Contact FM the only so called private radio that is awarded all the lucrative contracts of publicity and considered the richest radio second to the National Radio Rwanda.

Jeannete Kagame has planted her cronies in all business outlets in the country, for example Jeane Pichette Sayinzoga is the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Finance who is in fact inexperienced but because of the machinery of the first lady, she was planted there to cover-up their lavish spending and she is believed to be running the Ministry Commerce behind the curtains. Another in-law to the first family Byusa the son of Paul Kagame's elder sister is in charge of many foreign accounts in which the first family deposit their loot. The first family has neither spared Bank Populaire, the clique has planted there Pichette's sister working as the Human Resource Manager and believed, together with the Nziza's spy chief in the same Bank Allan Nsenga masterminded the resignation of the CEO of Banque Populaire du Rwanda (BPR) Herman Klaassen, and his deputy, José Habimana, as a result of financial disagreements.

Similarly Flora Nsinga the wife of Richard Murefu (brother of Jeannette) is planted in Bank of Kigali in the Human Resource department and together with James Gatera are entrusted overseeing the economic interests of the first family. The chain of thieving in this country by the first family is endless, the Minister of Health Dr. Agnes Binagwaho who was their family Doctor in charge of their domestic pets, runs the lucrative Health projects funded by the Global Fund in which the Jeannette racket and syndicate swindle a lot of money for their own business empires. Like Imelda Marcos, Jeannette Kagame definitely shall answer to all these corruption charges, when the Marcos family was still in power little did they know that, they will stand trial after their good days in power, in fact Marcos was the first wife of a foreign head of state to stand trial in an American court (Marcos vs. Manglapus). Dear Jeannette take this article very seriously because you might be the next Imelda in Rwandan courts or elsewhere.
Ruganzu Vicent, Sydney.

Source : Umuvugizi.com

__._,_.___

http://www.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-africa/21565656-opposition-leaders-rwanda-are-hounded-courts-fairness-trial?fsrc=scn%2Ftw_ec%2Ffairness_on_trial Rwandan justice Fairness on trial Opposition leaders in Rwanda are hounded in the courts Nov 3rd 2012 | from the print edition From candidate to convict VICTOIRE INGABIRE returned to her native country in 2010 to compete in presidential elections after 16 years in exile in the Netherlands. She became the leader of an opposition party, United Democratic Forces, challenging the incumbent, President Paul Kagame. That campaign has now earned her an eight-year prison sentence. On October 30th Rwanda's high court found her guilty of belittling the 1994 genocide as well as conspiring to harm the country through terrorism. Ms Ingabire was arrested during the election after visiting a memorial in the capital, Kigali, to the 800,000 Rwandans slaughtered in the genocide, most of them ethnic Tutsis while the vast majority of perpetrators were Hutus. Her crime was to question why Hutu moderates, many of whom died too, were not mentioned alongside the Tutsi victims. The comment was seen as a direct challenge to the government's edict that Rwandans cease to see themselves as Hutus and Tutsis. Ms Ingabire, a Hutu, was taken into custody under the country's controversial genocide-ideology laws. In this section Contagion of discontent Brought to tusk »Fairness on trial The Kurdish opening Wapping in the Holy Land Nowhere to run Reprints Related topics Government and politics Political policy International relations Paul Kagame Politics Over the following two years her case became a testing ground for Rwanda's official claims that its judiciary is independent. To critics of the government it was a constant reminder of the lack of fairness in a country lauded abroad for impressive economic growth and declining poverty levels. Human-rights groups frequently question the record of President Kagame. The conduct of the trial has done little to reassure Rwandans and foreign friends that the country is on the right course. The case against Ms Ingabire was built largely on the testimony of four co-defendants, all of whom received lighter sentences than she did. According to evidence they provided, she conspired with the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda, an armed group operating in eastern Congo, and planned to form a new militia, the Coalition of Democratic Forces. There are strong suggestions, backed by Human Rights Watch, a New York-based NGO, that coercion may have been used to influence some of the testimony. The Rwandan government has insisted that the judicial process was fair. The court rejected four additional charges against Ms Ingabire related to terrorism. There are suggestions that President Kagame may have intervened to reduce the sentence, following a letter from her pleading for leniency. But regardless of the merits of the particular case, a survey of the fate of opposition groups gives cause for concern. Ms Ingabire's party has been refused the right to register in Rwanda; Bernard Ntaganda, the leader of another opposition group, PS Imberakuri, is also in prison on similarly controversial grounds. A third political party, the Democratic Green Party, is in seeming disarray after the murder of its vice-president and the flight from the country of its leader. Mr Kagame, a Tutsi, would probably have trounced any of these opponents in a free and fair vote, but his regime is allergic to any and all criticism, even at the risk of creating martyrs. The guerrilla leader turned president has recently been accused by United Nations experts of supporting an armed rebellion in neighbouring Congo. A report commissioned by the UN Security Council, and then leaked to media, alleges that Mr Kagame's defence minister, James Kabarebe, has been giving "direct military orders" to Congolese rebels who benefit from illegal minerals trading. It suggested that Rwandan troops participated in rebel attacks that killed a UN peacekeeper. The publication of the damaging dossier coincided with a Rwandan bid for a non-permanent seat on the Security Council. Thanks to foreign friends, who also provide roughly one-quarter of his budget, Mr Kagame won the seat. But the warm glow that used to surround him at international events is fading. from the print edition | Middle East and Africa